make" NAPA to be more responsive to their raison d'etre and current needs, there might be a greater feeling of common interest. However, NAPA is not a wholly independent unit and must operate within the structure and function of the AAA, which was itself generated by the needs of academic anthropology.So where does this leave us? While local-national United Way differences are "in the family," so to speak and reflect a relatively healthy dynamic between local autonomy and national coordination, the tensions between the LPOs, NAPA, and the AAA are quite complex in their origins. Furthermore, given the current configurations within American anthropology, they are not likely to be easily resolved, but this is not to say that they can't be greatly improved. As practitioners increase in number and become involved in anthropology's organizational structures, they will probably reshape those structures to become more responsive to their needs. The very existence of the LPOs demonstrates practitioners' commitment to anthropology, and anthropology needs strong practitioners as well as strong teachers if it is to survive.My experience as an applied anthropologist who has worked within the university as well as in nonuniversity settings for over 40 years lends itself to some distinctive perspectives on the development of LPOs. In building the graduate program in anthropology at the University of Colorado, I was committed to a strong four fields approach to anthropology from the start. After all, this is one of the features that sets us apart from our European colleagues and makes American anthropology unique. While this broad-based orientation is still evident in most of our graduate programs today, the specialization that has occurred in American anthropology over the past decade or two just amazes me. The more LPOs can do to foster a continuing integration of the field while at the same time recognizing the necessity to specialize, the better service they can provide their members and the discipline itself.From the start of my professional life, I have always been strongly oriented to the application of anthropological knowledge and skills to problems in the wider society. In our program at the University of Colorado, we have incorporated applied anthropology as part of the curriculum and have had applied anthropologists on the faculty all along. Programmatically, then, I believe we demonstrate a longterm concern with what has become known as professional anthropology.However, programs and organizations can only do so much. In the end, I believe that good applied anthropology is mainly the result of individual motivation, effort, talent, and solid experience. In our program, for example, faculty members in the applied area actively work on their own projects, indirectly and directly providing a network of resources for students through courses, seminars, and fieldwork. Some of these projects provide hands-on experience for students to learn something concrete about doing applied work. This occurred, for example, during th...
TRIBAL DISTRIBUTION I N OREGON 385 to these questions permits filling some of the gaps and correcting some of the uncertainties.6 DISTRIBUTION AT T H E MIDDLE OF THE NINETEENTH CENTURY The Umatilla (yumati'la, from name of principal village, i'mattlam, "lots of rocks") occupied both banks of the Columbia River from the vicinity of Rock Creek (Washington) to a point a few miles below the mouth of the Walla Walla River. North of the Columbia the territory extended to the Horse Heaven Hills, southern boundary of the Yakima. I n Oregon a much greater area was held, reaching south to the John Day River. Beyond lay the Paiute. The eastern and western boundaries were less definite due to greater intercourse with neighboring tribes. Rock Creek (Oregon) furnished an approximate western boundary but Umatilla families sometimes camped as far west as the John Day River;6 reciprocally, the Wayampam or Tenino' enjoyed free movement eastward to Willow Creek. Even on the Columbia This study was conducted for the Department of Anthropology of the University of Washington. A complete catalog of village locations was obtained for the Umatilla, Cayuse, Walula, and Palus, together with additions to a Tenino list acquired earlier. Thus tribal boundaries in this paper are based upon village locations as well as other distributional data. Where variance with my former mapping occurs, the present is the more definitive. The informants responsible for statements in this paper are many, including representatives of every group mentioned (see Ray, 09. cit., pp. 99-100). The most specific data comes
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