German questions and statements are distinguished not only by lexical and syntactic but also by intonational means. This study revisits, for Northern Standard German, how questions are signalled intonationally in utterances that have neither lexical nor syntactic cues. Starting from natural productions of such 'intonation questions', two perception experiments were run. Experiment 1 is based on a gating paradigm, which was applied to naturally produced questions and statements. Experiment 11 includes two indirect-identification tasks. Resynthesized stimuli were judged in relation to two context utterances, each of which was compatible with only one sentence mode interpretation. Results show that utterances with a finally falling nuclear pitch-accent contour can also trigger question perception. An utterance-final rise is not mandatory. Also, question and statement cues are not restricted to the intonational nucleus. Rather, listeners can refer to shape, slope, and alignment differences of the preceding prenuclear pitch accent to identify sentence mode. These findings are in line with studies suggesting that the utterance-final rise versus fall contrast is not directly related to sentence modality, but represents a separate attitudinal meaning dimension. Moreover, the findings support that both prenuclear and nuclear fundamental frequency (F0) patterns must be taken into account in the analysis of tune meaning.

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This paper presents an exploratory study in the field of emphasis in German. It provides a comprehensive acoustic analysis for a type of emphasis that intensifies lexical meanings either positively or negatively. A speech corpus was recorded using an elicitation method adapted to yield natural-sounding, conversational, expressive speech under controlled conditions. Supporting the distinction between positive and negative intensification, two clearly different phonetic profiles emerged. These phonetic profiles of positive and negative intensification involve voice quality as well as the dynamics of the speech signal across its segmental and prosodic layers. By means of these profiles, the intensifying emphases were correctly classified by a discriminant analysis as positive or negative in around 90% of the cases. Moreover, indications were found for a third type of intensifying emphasis, which was called ‘reinforcement’. Its multidimensional phonetic profile falls in between the ones of positive and negative intensification.

Based on the phonology of the Kiel Intonation Model (KIM), a tripartite opposition of German intonation is investigated: early, medial, and late peaks. These intonation categories, which can be projected onto H + L*, H*, and L* + H in the AM framework, are described in the KIM as rising-falling F0 peak patterns differentiated by their synchronization with the accented-vowel onset. Perception experiments were carried out, showing that the function-based identification of the peak categories is not only influenced by peak synchronization, but also by peak shape and height. While the complete spectrum of findings is not covered by the current phonological modelling, the findings corroborate the existence of all three categories in German intonation and support the idea that the timing of the peak movements with regard to the accented vowel is important for their perceptual differentiation.

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The paper is concerned with the ‘edge of intonation’ in a twofold sense. It focuses on utterance-final F0 movements and crosses the traditional segment-prosody divide by investigating the interplay of F0 and voiceless fricatives in speech production. An experiment was performed for German with four types of voiceless fricatives: /f/, /s/, /ʃ/ and /x/. They were elicited with scripted dialogues in the contexts of terminal falling statement and high rising question intonations. Acoustic analyses show that fricatives concluding the high rising question intonations had higher mean centres of gravity (CoGs), larger CoG ranges and higher noise energy levels than fricatives concluding the terminal falling statement intonations. The different spectral-energy patterns are suitable to induce percepts of a high ‘aperiodic pitch’ at the end of the questions and of a low ‘aperiodic pitch’ at the end of the statements. The results are discussed with regard to the possible existence of ‘segmental intonation’ and its implication for F0 truncation and the segment-prosody dichotomy, in which segments are the alleged troublemakers for the production and perception of intonation.

An acoustic analysis of a German read-speech corpus showed that utterance-final /t/ aspirations differ systematically depending on the accompanying nuclear accent contour. Two contours were included: Terminal-falling early and late F0 peaks in terms of the Kiel Intonation Model. They correspond to H+L*L-% and L*+HL-% within the autosegmental metrical (AM) model. Aspirations in early-peak contexts were characterized by (a) "short", (b) "high-intensity" noise with (c) "low" frequency values for the spectral energy maximum above the lower spectral energy boundary. The opposite holds for aspirations accompanying late-peak productions. Starting from the acoustic analysis, a perception experiment was performed using a variant of the semantic differential paradigm. The stimuli were varied in the duration and intensity pattern as well as the spectral energy pattern of the final /t/ aspiration. Results revealed that the different noise patterns found in connection with early and late peak productions were able to change the attitudinal meaning of the stimuli toward the meaning profile of the respective F0 peak category. This suggests that final aspirations can be part of the coding of meanings, so far solely associated with intonation contours. Hence, the traditionally separated segmental and suprasegmental coding levels seem to be more intertwined than previously thought.

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