A H i s t o r i c a l a n d S o c i o d e m o g ra p h i c A n a ly s i s OLGA ALEXEEVA 1. In 1859, the new province was divided into two parts: the Amur region (the Amur River basin) and the region of Primorye (the sea coast). In 1884, when it was separated from the province of Eastern Siberia, it included three regions: Zabaikalye, Primorye, and Amur. The territory of Kamchatka and the Island of Sakhalin were added in 1909. Today the Federal District of the Far East includes the Republic of Sakha (Yakutia), the province of Amur, the autonomous district of Chukotka, the autonomous Jewish province, the territory of Kamchatka, the province of Magadan, the territories of Primorye and Khabarovsk, and the province of Sakhalin. It amounts to 36 percent of the total area of Russia. The present population of the region is around 6.6 million, which amounts to 4.6 percent of the total population of Russia. 2. S. E. Anikhovsky, "Kitaici na Dalnem Vostoke Rossii: Etnosociologichesky aspekt (vtoraia polovina XIX-nachalo XX veka)" (The Chinese in the Russian Far East: The ethnosociological dimension [second half of the nineteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century]), in A.P. Zabiako et al., Rossia i Kitai na Dalnevostochnih rubegah (Russia and China in the border areas of the Russian Far East), Blagoveshchensk, 2006, pp. 103-122. 3. V. G. Dacishen, "Formirovanie kitaiskoi obshini v rossiskoi imperii (vtoraia polovina XIX veka)" (The formation of the Chinese community in the Russian Empire [in the second half of the nineteenth century]), in Diaspori (Diasporas), n° 2-3, 2001, pp. 36-53. china perspectives The Far Eastern region of Russia borders on China, and population movements from the People's Republic can be seen as a natural phenomenon. Chinese migration began in the 1860s, when the region was incorporated into Imperial Russia. Interrupted during the Soviet era, migration began again with the collapse of the USSR in 1991. The Russian Far East region makes it possible to study the workings of migration dynamics from their beginnings, and to follow all the stages in the building of the community and of its economic and migration networks. This article seeks to give a historical and sociodemographic overview of Chinese migration in the Far East of Russia, and to analyse the various forms of migration seen in the past and in the present.
In recent years, several analyses and news media articles have predicted a resurgence of tensions in the Arctic over access to maritime space. Among the contenders involved in this potential struggle is China, whose ambitions in the region are suspected to hold a destabilising potential. Yet, as Beijing is developing its policy towards the region, it remains unclear whether it will contest the claims over maritime access of countries bordering the Arctic and forcibly take over parts of the region for resource extraction purposes.
In the past few years, there has been a significant economic and political rapprochement between China and Russia, marked by the announcement of numerous trade agreements and investments in transport infrastructure and the exploitation of Russian natural resources. This cooperation seems to have intensified since the 2014 Ukrainian crisis. Some European and American media see it as a sign that China and Russia are developing a form of strategic alliance that could harm Western interests. This article analyses the different forms of Sino-Russian rapprochement whilst highlighting the economic and political limits of this cooperation.
In a context of rapid climatic change in the Arctic, the fast melting of permafrost, the decline of glaciers and the melting of sea ice created perceived strategic and economic opportunities for the littoral states. The attention of states beyond the region was also attracted. For example China, without direct access to the Arctic, displays an interest in Arctic research, natural resources, and shipping potential. However, its diplomatic, economic, political and scientific efforts in this region arouse negative reactions among western media. They often draw up a portrait of an ambitious and arrogant China, ready to push aside the sovereignty of the Arctic countries to defend its own interests in the Arctic. From this perspective, it seems relevant to analyse China's activities in the region and to try to assess Beijing's strategy, which seems more driven by opportunism than by a long-term desire to challenge the littoral states’ sovereignty.
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