This paper examines a Slow Food–sponsored project to recreate and promote Serpa Velho, a hard aged cheese historically produced in the Alentejo region of Portugal. The authors examine the historical forces behind three changes that the project sought to reverse, namely the abandonment by cheese makers of the Merino breed, the move away from aging the cheese on straw mats in the cheese room rafters to aging in refrigerated stores, and the sale of younger, softer cheeses. The authors contend that the pursuit of these aims by the project ironically contradicts Slow Food's stated aims of fostering the production of food that is ‘good, clean and fair’. The paper concludes not only that more rigorous historical analysis exposes Slow Food's romanticism and elitism, but also that such analysis is necessary to the improvement of the food we eat.
The physical education model implemented by the Portuguese Estado Novo regime (1933—74), a specific adaptation of European models of physical education, aimed to train the ‘body’ and oversee the movements of athletes and students. This model intended to impose, through the action of state institutions, a practice that led to the creation of what is referred to in this article as an official motor habitus. Founded on an ideological basis, this state-controlled ideal type of bodily performance aspired ultimately to regulate all social phenomena that influence the production of sporting movements. Based on the works of the most relevant theoreticians of the Portuguese physical education model in this period, this article will analyse the ideological conception of an orthodox model of physical education that was a particular product of ‘state reasoning’.
Dans l'un des premiers ouvrages sur le système colonial portugais publiés après le 25 avril 1974, Valentim Alexandre a mis en évidence combien les études sur le colonialisme pendant l'Estado Novo (l'État nouveau) ont mis en avant tout un ensemble de mythes nationalistes 1. Parmi ces mythes, on trouve la théorie selon laquelle les Portugais auraient été les premiers à abolir la traite négrière. Un autre mythe porte sur la prétendue tendance culturelle des Portugais à créer des sociétés multiraciales, discours que l'État s'est approprié, dans les années 1950, en reprenant les travaux du sociologue brésilien Gilberto Freyre 2. À la même époque, l'idée de l'adaptabilité et de la plasticité des Portugais était présente dans des essais sur l'identité nationale, comme par exemple dans le travail de l'anthropologue Jorge Dias 3. Dans le contexte de la lutte contre le colonialisme portugais, certains chercheurs avaient déjà dénoncé les contradictions entre le discours officiel promu par l'État depuis les années 1950-et qui se distinguait des perspectives antérieures, principalement racialistes-et la réalité sur le terrain colonial 4. Au début des années 1960, Charles Boxer remettait en question, de façon plus systématique, la propagande portugaise sur les relations raciales au sein de l'empire portugais 5. Si la fin du pouvoir colonial portugais en Afrique, avec la chute de l'Estado Novo le 25 avril 1974, a entraîné une modification des termes de la reproduction de la mémoire impériale, une certaine représentation du passé, une pastorale, pour utiliser l'expression de Raymond Williams, a continué à se reproduire, répondant à différents desseins institutionnels, à de nouvelles rhétoriques et profitant de nombreux silences 6. Le développement d'études sur l'empire portugais n'a pas réussi à créer les
ABSTRACT:The study of the urban experience in Lisbon, the former capital of the Portuguese empire, creates a specific observatory to interpret the colonial process and its post-colonial developments. Following an itinerary from colonial to post-colonial times, this article examines the continuities and discontinuities of Lisbon's urban dynamics linked with Portugal's colonial history through three interlinked processes. First, the material inscription of policies of national identity in the memory space of the city since the late nineteenth century until today. Second, the expansion of a network of economic relations that affected Lisbon's industrial, commercial and urban life. And finally, the development of a system of social and political organization, where spatial distribution and civil and political rights were unequally distributed.
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