lack immigration to the United States has increased markedly since the post-1965 changes in immigration policy. As of the 2000 census, foreign-born blacks constituted 12% of all first-generation immigrants in the United States and accounted for approximately 6% of the total U.S. black population (Logan and Deane 2003). Although there is some immigration from Africa, the primary source of black immigration to the United States is from the Caribbean nations. Among Afro-Caribbean immigrants, West Indians (defined as those countries originally colonized by the British 1 ) have been of partic-

This mixed methods study explored dual identification among Muslim‐American emerging adults of immigrant origin. A closer look was taken at the relationship between American and Muslim identifications and how this relationship was influenced by experiences of discrimination, acculturative and religious practices, and whether it varied by gender. Data were gathered from 97 Muslim Americans (ages 18–25) who completed a survey and produced identity maps, a pictorial representation of hyphenated identities. The findings showed that young people found a way of allowing their Muslim and American identities to co‐exist, and only a small minority of the participants seemed to experience identity conflict. While religiosity was the only predictor of Muslim identification, young peoples’ identification with mainstream United States culture was predicted by discrimination‐related stress and acculturative practices. Gender moderated the relationship between Muslim and American identities in both survey measures and identity maps.

Ideological positions regarding social diversity and status inequality are examined as predictors of people's willingness to engage in collective action. Using social dominance theory and social identity theory, we hypothesized that the relationships between ideology, ethnic identification, and orientation toward collective action will vary depending on the position of one's group. Comparisons were made between four U.S. groups: White natives, White immigrants, Black/Latino natives, and Black/Latino immigrants. Groups differed in their endorsement of social diversity and social inequality, as well as in their orientation toward collective action and their ethnic group identification. For all groups, ethnic identity mediated the link between ideology and collective action, but the valence and magnitude of paths differed as a function of ethnicity and immigrant status. Social diversity was more critical for U.S. immigrants (White and Black/Latino); social inequality accounted for more variance in native-born U.S. groups (although in opposite directions for the two groups).

Recent meta-analyses of intergroup contact research revealed that majority members' attitudes toward minorities are improved to a greater degree by contact compared to those of minority members (Tropp & Pettigrew, 2005). While previous research focused on contact between majority and minority groups, this study explored effects of intergroup contact between two minority groups that differ in status: Black and Asian college students. Because of different stereotypes and social status, the college experiences of the two groups were expected to differ in the extent to which they felt their group was respected by others (public regard). A survey conducted with 104 Black and Asian American students in a small, Midwestern liberal arts college demonstrated that the two groups differed in public regard, which led to differences in attitudes toward the majority Whites, contact with Whites, experiences of discrimination, and trust in college authorities. Further, while contact with Black students was positively associated with more favorable attitudes toward Blacks for Asians (higher status minority), contact with Asian students was not related to attitudes toward Asians for Blacks (lower status minority). The role of public regard and attitudes toward the majority as potential moderators of the relationship between contact with Asians and Blacks' attitudes toward Asians were explored. Implications for multicultural solidarity between targeted groups were discussed.

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In line with recent theorizing on identity content and intergroup attitudes, it is argued that collective memory (shared understandings of group history as narratives of the past) forms part of the narrative content of group identities and inform group members' attitudes toward outgroups. Survey data from 82 Bosnian Muslim immigrants and refugees resettled in the United States showed that endorsement of narratives of the past that emphasize prewar coexistence of groups interacted with ethnic identification to predict attitudes toward Bosnian Croats, but not toward Bosnian Serbs. Even though ethnic identification was a strong negative predictor of attitudes toward Croats, its effect was significantly reduced among participants who endorsed a narrative of past coexistence. Attitudes toward Bosnian Serbs, however, were uniformly low and only predicted by attitudes toward the other outgroup, Bosnian Croats. Implications for studies of intergroup relations and reconciliation efforts were discussed.

White Americans' willingness to engage in dialogues about intergroup commonalities and power inequalities with Asian and African Americans were examined in two experiments. Because Whites perceive that African Americans experience greater discrimination than do Asian Americans, we predicted that they would be more willing to engage in dialogues that would interrogate injustice and inequality with them. We also explored the role of common in-group identity (as Americans) on willingness for dialogue about inequality. In both studies, Whites were less interested in engaging in power talk with Asian Americans than with African Americans, but the difference in willingness for commonality talk was smaller. Asian Americans were perceived as experiencing lower levels of discrimination (Studies 1 and 2) and identify less with America (Study 2) both of which predicted lower willingness for power talk with them. Common in-group identity manipulations had marginal effects on willingness for power talk with African Americans and no effect on power talk with Asian Americans. Implications for improving social disparities between various groups were discussed.

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