The iden of an integrnted Lntin Americnn region goes bnck to the enrly postindependence period, and yet, in s11bstance, Lnti11 American regionalism /ms remained far be/1ind its stated nims. Tlie perceived implementntion gnp /ins rnised t/1e question why policymakers continued to talk abo11t something they nppenred to nvoid in prnctice. Tl1is nrticle contributes to the dehnte 011 Lntin America's i11tegrntion gnp btJ exploriug the phe110111e11011 of declarnfory regionnlism-tfze prnctice of referring to the region m1d its institutions in politicnl speeches. Bnsed 011 quantitative text annlysis of the speec/1es presidents delivered an1111nlly nt tlze UN's General Assembly bctween 1994 nnd 2014, we slww tlznt tllis prnctice /ins not bee11 uniform. Presidents distinguish between different forms of regionnlism, integrntion nnd cooperntion, and frnme the geogrnphical region tl1ey refer to nccordingly. /11 111otivnti11g presidents to spenk nbout integrntion ns opposed to cooperntion, ideology nnd democrntic performnnce stand out ns cr11cial fnctors. We would also like to indicate lhal lhe stalbtical resulls we show can be replicaled using lhe coding and database available at the following Harvard Dataverse link: https: //dataverse.harvard. cdu/datasct. xhtml?pcrsistcntld=doi%3Al0.7910"/o2FOVN%2FUCWKGC Tue authors would like to thank the
Since the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) expanded its institutional outreach to span the broader Asia Pacific and new policy areas, a dominant orthodoxy has placed the organization at the center of the region's international order. More recently, uncertainty in the context of China's rise sheds doubt on ASEAN's apparent centrality to its procedurally driven transformation of foreign relations across East Asia. While theories of cooperation explain why and when minor powers choose to pool their resources, the reverse logic has hardly been considered. This paper shows that the particular type of ASEAN regionalism is not only a product of weak states' cooperation but that the lack of capacity also sets the limits for the regional project. Two case studies on intramural security elicit the limited effectiveness of ASEAN's endeavor to develop into a
Latin American militaries are today in many regards inoperative and obsolete as an instrument of defence. Yet, they seek to maintain their organisational power and privileges. Governments, on the other hand, lack the adequate means to fight criminality, persisting poverty and social inequality. In an apparent win-win situation, Latin American governments have used the military as a wildcard to step in where civilian state capacity falls short, including for urban and border patrols, literacy campaigns and to collect garbage, among many other tasks. The military's manifold internal use has been defended mainly based on pragmatic reasons. We argue instead that the ostensive pareto optimality between militaries and governments has had negative effects for civil-military relations from a democratic governance point of view that takes into consideration the efficiency and effectiveness of how the state delivers basic services across different policy areas.
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