This paper looks at the migrants' occupational integration process. Two main theoretical perspectives are tested: the first one (assimilation view) claims that in the short-run migrants are penalized, but as they settle in the receiving country they get integrated into the host society; the second one (segmented assimilation view) claims that disadvantages persist in the long-run. EU-LFS and ESS data are described and modelled, in order to compare the labour market performances of migrants in four European old-receiving countries (Germany, France, Great Britain and Sweden) and in two new-receiving countries (Spain and Italy) both in a short-term and in a long-run perspective. We find that a) in the short-run, migrants' labour market condition is worst with respect to the natives; b) this gap decreases with older migrants; c) the ethnic penalty disappears with the second generation, when they achieve a level of education comparable to that of the natives. POLICY IMPLICATIONS• Labour market policies appear to face a trade-off: policies oriented towards the flexibilization could improve migrants' occupational integration, but such policies are also likely to increase the risk of poverty for the natives.• In the case of the Southern new-receiving countries, a similar tradeoff could emerge for policies aiming at stopping the underground economy.• Concerning integration in the long run, our results definitely point to the importance of education. We would suggest policies oriented towards a full educational integration of the migrants' offspring, since such policies could eliminate the gap separating them from the natives.

This paper studies the integration of migrant women in six European labour markets, highlighting how their migration penalty is related to the family’s migration dynamics and to the husband’s occupational condition. In order to compare the labour market outcomes of native and migrant women, Linear Probability Models are estimated using EU–LFS data. Results show that migrant women are penalized everywhere. However, in the Mediterranean labour markets their employment penalty is lower, while the penalty concerning job quality, conditional on employment, is relatively severe. Regarding the role of family migration, results show that: tied-movers women were disadvantaged with respect to both natives and other migrants; those migrants whose partners were unemployed or had low-quality jobs were more likely to find a job than those whose husbands had a good occupational condition. Both patterns were stronger in Mediterranean labour markets.

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There are two models of inclusion of recent immigrants in Western Europe. In the Continental model immigrants are penalized in terms of both probabilities of being employed and job quality. In the Mediterranean one there is a stronger trade-off between a limited risk of unemployment and a lower job quality. Did the recession foster a convergence or a divergence between these two models? This article focuses on this issue and analyses the integration of immigrants in 10 countries, using EU-LFS data (2005–2012) and considering two occupational outcomes: the probability of being employed, and the probability of avoiding the unskilled working class. It also studies the turnover between unemployment and dependent employment. The crisis generated a partial and limited convergence between the two models, involving only male immigrants living in Southern Europe. In these countries immigrants experienced higher risks of unemployment because the crisis diminished their turnover between unemployment and dependent employment.

This article focuses on the socio-economic integration of ethnic minorities in Italy, combining the literature on migration with research on social stratification. We analyse the ethnic penalty on occupational attainment and career mobility, integrating the origin–education–destination theoretical framework with the migration status. Since ethnic penalty is an ‘umbrella concept’, we also quantify the extent to which it is mediated by differences in education and social origin. Furthermore, adopting a diachronic view of migrants’ class attainment, we verify whether the post-migration downgrading is followed by a recovery during the career, considering also mobility within the working class (standard and non-standard). Our analyses are based on the Multipurpose Survey on Households and Social Condition and Integration of Foreign Citizens. The results show that migrants are penalized in the Italian labour market, remaining largely ‘trapped’ in the working class. This inclusion at the bottom of the class structure reduces their heterogeneity by education and by social origin. Moreover, their penalty increases during the career, except when they move from the non-standard to the standard working class. Finally, we find that the ‘unexplained’ component of ethnic penalty, net of education and social origin, is substantial and increases from the first to the current job.

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