This article critiques the focus on responsibilisation of criminalised women within desistance research, policy and practice, through the neglect of the structural conditions surrounding women’s criminalisation and victimisation. The concept of the ‘good woman’ within these areas is grounded in patriarchal and neoliberal discourse. Drawing upon women’s narratives, we show this results in feelings of shame and stigmatisation, negatively affecting relational networks and leading to a denial of victimhood. Research from two complementing studies drawn together here suggest that positive relationships which challenge feelings of shame and stigmatisation are essential to women’s desistance both from crime and harm, and are therefore fundamental considerations for practice.

Society has witnessed a rapid growth in the prevalence and use of social media. The influence and impact of this expansion has sparsely, if at all, been considered within the context of desistance from crime. This article draws upon the narratives of male and female service users subject to community supervision by a Community Rehabilitation Company, collected as part of a doctoral thesis. Evidence demonstrates how social media plays a largely negative role, with some gendered difference on a service user’s identity and relational desistance, alongside individual agency and wider social structures. This enables the article to develop the evidence base of interactionist perspectives of desistance, while also recognising gender.

Much previous research has considered experiences of bereavement and loss in a prison-based setting. This overshadows the nature of bereavement within the context of community supervision and probation delivery, resulting in inadequate explorations of the potential link to persistence and/or desistance from crime. Research into desistance has predominantly focused on relationships with those who are still alive. This article evidences an emergent theme of bereavement experiences within the context of probation delivery, relationships and desistance. It draws upon narrative research undertaken within a Community Rehabilitation Company in the north of England, collected as part of a doctoral thesis. Evidence demonstrates the similarities between the process of desistance and that of bereavement with the narratives of men and women reiterating how bereavement can influence the onset of criminal or risk-taking behaviour whilst highlighting emergent evidence on how bereavement can disrupt desistance. This enables the article to highlight the importance of resilience in the process of both bereavement and desistance.

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Ultimately, he credited religion for the change in his outlook, but the unwavering support from his mother was essential. The mantra that seemed to solidify the author's change came from a prison instructor who said he could either accept his criminal label or be truly exceptional, there was no in-between. It was then that he "…made the decision…that [he] would be just that-exceptional" (p. 141). To exemplify this, he became eligible to enroll in college courses and achieved an associate's degree just prior to being paroled.Mechanisms conducive for survival in prison left the author largely unprepared for conventional adult life. Part III, Redemption, serves to document these struggles. More specifically, this section is a glimpse into the reentry issues that offenders face while also showing what it means to completely defy the odds. As an example, when imprisoned, most decisions had been made on Bolden's behalf, so simple tasks-such as choosing a wardrobe-were overwhelming; furthermore, he quickly discovered that finding employment with a criminal record was nearly impossible. Upon release, however, he was able to reside with his mother and stepfather who did their best to help him adjust. After months of unsuccessfully trying to find employment, his stepfather got him a job as a bagger at a grocery store. After 6 months of working at the store, he was dismissed because of his criminal conviction despite having disclosed it at the time of hiring.He enrolled in a bachelor's degree program where he faced new challenges of fitting in on campus. This was largely complicated by a lack of conventional social skills necessary for engaging others. He found solace within the Criminology Department and successfully completed his degree-though his employment struggles continued. It was a mentor who told him, rather than merely suggesting, that he must go to graduate school. True to the preceding pages of the book, Dr. Bolden walks the reader through this chapter of his journey. He explains each of the moments that became instrumental to his success, but also how having people willing to help makes all the difference.The lessons of this book are not only as direct as street culture, gang research, and theory but that of second chances and the ability to help in changing a punitive culture and system built on a trajectory of failure. Dr. Bolden achieves his goal of finding a balance between academic theory and realworld experiences. Readers without prerequisite knowledge of the topics covered will be able to easily follow and learn from the information presented, while those possessing a greater understanding of theory will be able to infer main tenets. Accordingly, it is well suited for undergraduate and graduate courses as well as for practitioners.