Considering the set targets of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to increase research and development (R&D) expenditures, this study probes the long‐term and causal association between renewable energy (RE), nonrenewable energy (NRE), economic growth (GDP), and ecological footprints (EFs) in the context of the environmental Kuznets curve (EKC). Empirical evidence is based on the panel data throughout the period 1990–2016 for the selected six ASEAN economies. The Westerlund co‐integration test confirms the long‐run association between R&D, RE, NRE, GDP, and EF. The results of Fully Modified Ordinary Least Squares (FMOLS) and Dynamic Ordinary Least Squares (DOLS) confirm the presence of EKC and show that R&D expenditures lower EF significantly. A 1% increase in R&D and RE decreases EF by 0.01% and 0.27%, respectively. Moreover, a 1% increase in GDP and NRE increases EF by 5.52% and 0.17%, respectively. This means that investment in R&D will enhance air quality by lowering EF in estimated panel countries. Moreover, NRE consumption and GDP increase EF. The panel causality results confirm the bidirectional association between GDP, RE use, R&D expenditures, and EF. To achieve a desirable goal of a clean environment, R&D expenditures hold a strong position for ASEAN countries. This finding should encourage governments to involve public and private investments in R&D programs for energy efficiency. Integr Environ Assess Manag 2022;18:1313–1320. © 2021 SETAC
The world has witnessed the establishment of regional and global strategic environment and the 21st century is no exception. It helps encouraging geo-economical and geostrategic partnership among countries. The Belt and Road initiative (BRI) of which China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a flagship project is a major developmental project. The CPEC, undeniably, presents ample opportunities and to both China and Pakistan, it is not a smooth sailing ship as it is jolted by high winds and thrashing waves from all sides. It has invited discontent from inside and criticism from the outside from the very beginning. These voices of discontent especially from the ethnic groups living in close proximity of CPEC projects occasionally have resulted into creating an impression that this project would be doomed. This paper is an attempt to revisit the determinants and challenges that Islamabad is facing both from inside and the outside to implement this mega project. More specifically, it analyses the internal discontent that is reflected through protests by various ethnic groups that feel deprived of the promised economic fruits of this project. It further seeks to evaluate the challenges that exist in the form of public support and public concerns about the promised benefits of CPEC projects. This study is qualitative in nature that utilizes both primary and secondary sources of data collection. Significantly high level of awareness is found among masses about CPEC but public support and concerns are posing serious challenges for the government. Analyzing both the internal and external challenges, a strong resolve have been demonstrated by both Pakistan and China to counter these threats pragmatically. The internal discontent of the various ethnic groups poses a serious challenge, so it is imperative to address the grievances of these aggrieved groups on practical grounds. Keywords: Strategic partnership; Determinants; Challenges; China-Pakistan Economic Corridor; Belt and Road Initiative; Discontent; Criticism; Ethnic groups etc.
The article aims to explore the symbolic representation of women in Pakistani society and investigates the unconscious nature of patriarchy in which the image of women is painted as a material object. This study is grounded on the textual analysis of Shahid Nadeem’s play “Black is My Robe.” The story revolves around the exchange of a female character named Sundri with an Ox. Shahid Nadeem has employed symbols to unveil the image of a repressed woman in patriarchal society. He has exposed the constructed myths about the submissive status of woman in male-dominant society through his plays in Ajoka theatre. He highlighted certain traditional hierarchies which signify their influence in gender discrepancy and sex stratification in which women is considered just as a property. To highlight these discrepancies, this study is carried out under Sigmund Freud’s theory of subconscious by using the literary technique of symbolism. The study has highlighted man’s desire for prescribing the negation of any gender through symbolization and devoid of anticipating any unpleasant representation. This study concludes with the suggestion to emancipate and empower women and to demolish ridiculous ideals of patriarchy by moral verdicts.
This article is based on the argument that despite competing for territorial claims and different military stands off, the competing states have shown considerable restraint and hedging behaviors against each other’s to not make the politics of the South China Sea on a point of no return. This assumption is correct in a way that on economic forums like Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), they have shown their consensus to resolve their disputes peacefully. But it seems wrong on the pretext that then why this economic interdependence has not provided the space to resolve their perennial territorial disputes in the South China Sea. To find out which assumption seems true, this article is based on the theoretical framework of the Strategic Hedging perspective. This study tries to find the answer to the research question of despite close economic interdependence and military stands offs, why regional states have failed to resolve the SCS dispute? China, the regional hegemon, claims the South China Sea (SCS) region as its core interest and provides the basis for its claims based on historical usage and part of the ancient Chinese dynasties. Vietnam has also shown inflexibility in its claim in the region overlapping with China and other competing states. Honai has also invoked international law to stop the Chinese territorial assertiveness in the region. The Philippines, one of the three important claimants of the SCS, has also tried to take help of the international court of arbitration and the support of global hegemon the US to extend its sovereignty in the disputed islands of the SCS. This article concludes with the findings that Vietnam and the Philippines are using constrain cum hedging to save their national interests from Beijing. Keywords: Politics, Hedging, South China Sea, Economy, Security, Spratly, Paracel
In traditional terms when we talk about a link between war and regime survival, we find ourselves in the realm of domestic politics. It is well documented that the leaders use diversionary force to exploit the domestic audience. However, in this study, we argue that, depending on their level of dependence on the external sources of power, leaders may also use force to impress upon the external audience to extract moral and material support for the survival of their regimes. Here, we find strong evidence of a link between domestic and external factors in the context of the superpowers and their clients. In other words, we emphasize the dynamics of in-group/out-group hypothesis of the diversionary use of force to the alliance behavior of the superpowers and their clients. Keywords: Legitimacy, Pattern-Client Relationship, Alliances, Superpower, Cold War, Third World.
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