Fiscal transfer of nearly one billion to the village accounts made the struggle for village heads tense. This tension is because the legacy of the village founder (huta), who is the basic foundation of village governance in the past, has to deal with liberal democracy in the practice of the current election of village head. Collective communitarian democracy as a feature of self-governing capacity at the village level has not been completely abandoned, but it has to carry out individual liberal democracy at the same time . In general, village heads in the two sub-districts of this study have participated in capacity building related to their duties and functions such as the preparation of the Village Medium Term Development Plan (RPJM-Desa), Village Regulations (Perdes), except the establishment of Village Owned Enterprise (Bumdes). Even so, the village documents are only slightly stored in the files of each village. The kinship politics of the village apparatus (village head, village secretary, village treasurer) as well as between village apparatuses, namely the Village Government Agency (BPD), were marked by a very close relationship. This kinship politics is because they are the first clan of the village. This village is only inhabited by the descendants of the clan group, and there is almost no imigration. The political implication of this kinship is a reluctance to monitor each other (both intra and between village units) when power abuse occurs.
One's habit in language use is infl uenced by daily social life structures thereby creating diff erent interaction patt erns both individually or as a group. Sociology of language critically analyzes the use of language as a symbol of power which dominates the arena in a multicultural school. This research utilizes mixed methods as it is considered capable of fi nding and answering the issues and problems under examination. The location of research was Sultan Iskandar Muda High School which is the only multicultural education curriculum based pilot school in the city of Medan. The informants in this study were the principal, teachers, and students while the respondents were samples of high school students totaling 86 individuals. Research results show that one's power in language use is determined by one's interest in using language. School power and individual power has diff erent portions when positioning one's self during interactions. Although power is coercive in nature, the community must submit to rules of the school. The power of the school in determining language emphasizes values of nationalism, which is diff erent to individual or group power which adjusts the language to the situation at hand so that relations of language use has its own portion of interaction in the multicultural school. Keywords:language; status symbol of power; social interaction. Abstrak 265 Ahmed Fernanda Desky, Pujiati, Muba Simanihuruk, Rizabuana Ismail, Ria Manurung, Language as a Status Symbol of Power in Social Interactions at a Multicultural School in the City of Medandistinctive character in demonstrating status symbol of authority in their interaction. The status symbol of language is based on Pierre Bourdieu's idea which is focused on power. Language can be utilized as a means to dominate in the social arena. Bourdieu (in Jenkins, 2004: 237-238) states that language practice is directly positioned in social interaction, the entire theoretical framework is included in understanding discourse: "Language relations are always power relations (rapports de force) hence it is indescribable within the compass of linguistic analysis. Even the most unpretentious linguistic exchange is played into a complex network of historical power relations involving the speaker and supported by social authority and audience that acknowledges the said authority in various human levels".Language has a central role in power mechanism that is dominating, especially in concealing the true intent of a violent action element. The dominant class broadens and forces its habitus over the dominated class. Meaning, the dominant language has been set by those in power in determining the type of language used in the process of interaction to the dominated social class. As an example at the macro level, we take the analogy of the government (upper class) determining the national language of the Republic of Indonesia
This study seeks (1) to explore local government strategies in selecting personnel for strategic positions; (2) studying the role of the RPA (Regional Personnel Agency) in carrying out the Decency and Appropriateness Test of personnel applying for the "Position Auction"; (3) studying the role of the Sekwilda in conducting the fit and proper test; (4) searching for the fit and proper test models according to local characteristics. The agenda for improving Indonesia's public sector becomes a necessity if it is linked to developments and current demands, such as good governance, professionalism, transparency, accountability, ethical and moral enforcement in the delivery of public services (Milakovich and Gordon, 2007 in Nurprojo, 2014). The improvement of the Indonesian bureaucracy through the enactment of the State Civil Apparatus Law is expected to be able to realize a better Indonesian bureaucracy through the performance of professional civil servants based on competence and competition by establishing a merit system in State Civil Apparatus management. This study uses a qualitative paradigm by relying on researchers as data collectors through in-depth interviews and participatory observation. In-depth interviews were conducted with local elites (Head of the Regional Personnel Agency, Staff of the Regional Personnel Agency, Members of the Regional People's Representative Council, Members of the Selection Committee, Non-Governmental Organizations, the media and intellectuals) who were concerned with local governance. This is done to determine the implementation of the propriety test and due diligence in the context of filling strategic positions in the regions.
Makalah ini ingin mengeksplorasi politik dinasti di tiga kabupaten/kota, yakni (1) Kota Medan (2) Kab. Deli Serdang dan (3) Kabupaten Samosir. Dinasti berkembang ketika kebijakan desentralisasi diterapkan di Indonesia pasca reformasi 1998. Desentralisasi dianggap telah melahirkan 'raja-raja ‘ kecil di daerah. Mendoza mendefinisikan politik dinasti ― referstomembersofthesamefamily occupying elected positions either in sequence for the same position, orsimultaneously acrossdifferentpositions.‖ Studi ini menggunakan pendekatan paradigma kualitatif mengandalkan peneliti sebagai pengumpul data melalui wawancara mendalam. Observasi dan penelusuran referensi yang relevan juga dilakukan untuk melengkapi data penelitian.Temuan riset menunjukkan politik dinasti belum terbangun. Untuk Medan, dinasti politik tidak terbangun karena pertama, kasus korupsi dua walikota terdahulu membuat dinasti yang belum kokoh runtuh perlahan. Kedua, biaya politik pilkada yang tinggi membuat politik transaksional lebih mengemuka. Ketiga, pluralisme kota Medan, memaksa walikota harus mengakomodasi keragaman yang ada. Sedangkan di Deli Serdang, kendati bupati terpilih (Ashari Tambunan) adalah adik mantan bupati dua periode (almarhum) Amri Tambunan, politik dinasti juga tidak terbentuk karena kabupaten ini juga heterogen dan sudah lama basis golkar dan kantong perkebunan. Dinasti di Samosir sempat tumbuh selama dua periode bupati Mangindar Simbolon berdasarkan margaisme. Implementasi UU No 8 Tahun 2015 Tentang Pemilukada, yang mensyaratkan calon kepala daerah tidak memiliki konflik kepentingan dengan petahana dan UU No 5 Tahun 2014 Tentang Aparatur Sipil Negara (Pasal 116), menyatakanPejabat Pembina Kepegawaian dilarang mengganti Pejabat Pimpinan Tinggi selama 2 (dua) tahun terhitung sejak pelantikan. Kebijakan ini signifikan membonsai dinasti politik di daerah This paper desired to explore the dynastic politics in three districts / cities, namely (1) Medan City (2) Deli Serdang Regency and (3) Samosir Regency. The dynasty developed when decentralization policies were implemented in post-reform Indonesia in 1998. Decentralization is considered to have given birth to small 'kings' in the area. Mendoza defines dynastic politics - the philosophy of the concept of family occupying elected positions either in sequences for the same position, simultaneous across different propositions. This study used a qualitative paradigm approach to rely on researchers as data collectors through in-depth interviews. Observations and searches for relevant references were also carried out to complement the research data. Research findings showed that dynastic politics had not yet been established. For Medan, the political dynasty was not built because firstly, the corruption case of the two previous mayors made a dynasty that had not yet firmly fallen slowly. Secondly, the high political costs of regional elections made transactional politics more prominent. Thirdly, pluralism in Medan forced the mayor to accommodate the diversity that existed. Whereas in Deli Serdang, although the elected regent (Ashari Tambunan) was the younger brother of the former two-year regent (deceased) Amri Tambunan, the dynastic politics were also not formed because the district was also heterogeneous and had a long Golkar base and enclaves of plantations. The dynasty in Samosir had grown during the two periods of regent Mangindar Simbolon based on clanism. Implementation of Act No. 8 of 2015 concerning General Election, which requires the regional head candidates not to have a conflict of interest with defense and Act No. 5 of 2014 concerning State Civil Apparatus (Article 116), stating that Staff Development Officials are prohibited from replacing Echelon Officials for 2 (two) years since the inauguration. This policy significantly reduced political dynasties in the local area.
This article describes identity politics in the recently passed Pilgubsu [North Sumatra Gubernatorial Election] of 2018. Identity politics is based on the interests and perspectives of certain groups. It is experiencing a rising tide both at global and national levels because of: (1) the collapse of the utopian socialism or the so-called end of history; (2) democracy and capitalism gave birth to inequality and secularism; and (3) democracy was hijacked by the alliance of rulers and entrepreneurs (post-truth politics). This study used a qualitative paradigm by analyzing print and online media including social media, while in-depth interviews were not completed. Pilgubsu’s political space was full of the sentiments of SARA (Tribal, Religious, Racial, and Inter-group). These basic identities mainly appear during the campaign period, although it has also been amplified since the declaration. Tribal identity appears in the declaration of support for clan associations and ethnic associations. Religious identity is more prominent in fiqh takfiri and theological basis of legitimacy in choosing same-religion leaders whereas inter-groups emphasize the issue of indigenous and non-indigenous locals, including Javanese and non-Javanese.
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