This final chapter begins by charting developments following Navalny’s return to Russia in 2021: his detention, sentencing to time in jail, the protests these moves triggered, and his early days in a prison colony. The chapter then steps back, drawing together and reflecting on the different dimensions covered in individual chapters, including asking whether Navalny has achieved what he wanted in politics. The chapter also reflects on a number of questions raised in the book: Is Navalny a revolutionary? Is he a true democrat, a populist—or even a racist? The chapter concludes that the evolution of authoritarianism in Russia shows that the Kremlin takes Navalny and his movement extremely seriously. The chapter finally discusses the role the West could play in Navalny’s fate—and concludes that it will be limited: Navalny’s future will be decided in Russia.
This chapter tackles the first dimension of Navalny—as an anti-corruption activist—opening with a discussion of his ‘Putin’s Palace’ investigation. The chapter then describes Navalny’s early activities as a minority shareholder activist and blogger, investigating allegations of corruption in large Russian corporations. As Navalny’s activities have been intentionally provocative, the chapter discusses his apparent motivations—and reactions from the Russian state and subjects of his investigations. The chapter also provides the broader context for Navalny’s activities, discussing the role of corruption in post-Soviet Russia, including whether the country is a kleptocracy. The chapter charts how Navalny built his team—with people such as Lyubov Sobol, Leonid Volkov, and Georgy Alburov—as well as his key organisations, such as the Anti-Corruption Foundation. It also shows how Navalny has used social media to spread his message and help build his following. The chapter ends by discussing the increasing pressure faced by Navalny and his team.
This chapter traces Navalny’s political trajectory. Navalny started his career in the beginning of the 2000s in the liberal party Yabloko. Frustrated by the decline of the opposition in Russia, he embarked on a new course, attempting to combine liberalism and nationalism—a move that remains controversial to this day. The chapter follows Navalny’s political career by focusing on the ideas he has espoused, as well as the organisations he built and the strategies he adopted. Navalny came second in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections, but soon became the victim of his relative success: he was barred from electoral and party politics altogether, being denied a place on the 2018 presidential election ballot. He was forced to devise alternative strategies, including a tactical voting project called “Smart Voting”. By putting Navalny’s trajectory in the context of evolving authoritarianism, the chapter sheds light on the last twenty years in Russian politics.
Whereas previous chapters put Navalny and his movement front and centre, this chapter reverses the perspective, showing how the Kremlin has reacted to the challenges that Navalny and others have mounted against Putin’s authoritarian rule. The chapter focuses on five dimensions: public regime support; freedom of information; civil society; protest; and elections. The chapter documents: (1) how Putin has sought to build emotional connections with Russian citizens; (2) how the Kremlin has made it increasingly difficult to obtain information on officials and their alleged fortunes; (3) how civil society has been divided into those considered desirable and undesirable by the authorities; (4) how the Kremlin's approach to protest has changed from management to blatant repression; and (5) how the opposition and the Kremlin are engaged in an spiral of escalation, resulting in ever-decreasing space for independent politics. The chapter closes with an assessment of the nature of Russia’s political regime.
Die Parlamentswahlen 2021 in Russland haben gezeigt, dass das Menü autoritärer Wahlmanipulationen zwar das alte bleibt, dass diese Manipulationen und die Anstrengungen zur Aufrechterhaltung des Regimes aber ein beispielloses Niveau erreicht haben. Indem das Regime einige Korrekturen an diesem Instrumentarium vornimmt, bewegt es sich noch schneller in Richtung eines hegemonialen Autoritarismus.
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