Today we are witnessing a serious crisis that could lead to the collapse of the World Trade Organization (WTO). This crisis is the consequence of the uncooperative behavior of the triad: the United States, the European Union and East Asia. When there is a confrontation between these three most powerful regional blocs, there is inevitably a blockage and a destructive trade war similar to that of the 1930s. In these times of crisis, each country tries to save its economy by relying on the strategy of protectionism. The negotiation and regulatory functions of the WTO are paralyzed: the Dispute Settlement Body is seriously affected by the refusal of the United States, since 2016, to renew the members of the Appellate Body (AB) whose mandates were expiring. This jeopardizes international rules negotiated since 1947, when the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) was created. The existence of liberalization fatigue and a growing rejection of globalization raises questions about the future of the WTO.
The regional integration agreements can be a strategy of trade diversion and thus we can say that there is a violation of the rules of free trade. By creating preferential rules which are inconsistent with the principles of the WTO, the strategy of regional integration can increase the risk of trade disputes with third party countries and can therefore generate a commercial environment full of threats and reprisals. Third countries, especially developing countries have small markets, may find themselves marginalized further when the members of the regional group adopt the principle of discrimination.The philosophy of the WTO paves the way for a transition from regional integration towards a multilateral integration. The question that arises is whether regional integration agreements meet this conception of the WTO or they represent a new form of protectionism hindering free trade. We know that the regional groups hold private information about the actions and decisions they adopt in the intra-group. The uncertainty and hidden information can cause conflicts internationally.The WTO, we can assume as the Principal, should create incentives that can guide regional groups that can be assumed as Peripheral Agents, to comply with Article XXIV and the elimination of regional protectionism. Control actions and trade policies of regional groups should be done on a regular basis to make the game of international trade more fair.
Fiscal policy is a major part of economic policy and a tool for implementing the government's economic policy toward achieving the set goals. This is done through its main tools (public expenditures, revenues, and the net budget). This is to raise economic growth rates, achieve economic well-being, and satisfy the desires of society. The study shed light on the most important developments in fiscal policy in the Iraqi economy and its impact on economic development. On this basis, the researcher seeks to clarify the role of fiscal policy in Iraq (2004-2020) through its tools in achieving economic development and how to use them to achieve these indicators. Moreover, a statement of the efficiency of fiscal policy and its management towards the economic and social fields to ensure the advancement of the goals and indicators of economic development. Therefore, it must be used optimally and planned. Moreover, what Iraq went through in terms of political and financial crises, especially after 2003, prevented the use of this policy optimally, which led to a decline in the performance of fiscal policy in order to achieve economic development. The study reached a set of conclusions, the most important of which was the direct correlation of the GDP indicator with the oil sector and the low percentage of tax revenue contribution to the total public revenues throughout the study period due to rampant corruption and inflexibility of the tax system. While the results showed no long-term relationship between public expenditures and the GDP indicator due to the decline in investment spending, this is offset by an increase in operational spending due to the large employment in government departments and the deterioration of the security situation. At the same time, the study recommended working to increase the volume of public revenues by developing plans to diversify revenue sources, especially in the non-oil (commodity) sectors, in a way that increases the size of the general budget and working on an annual evaluation of fiscal policy tools and their effectiveness in achieving economic development in Iraq.
Notre article présente une analyse de l’efficience du secteur bancaire en comparant le niveau d’efficience des banques privées et des banques publiques. En effet, la situation difficile par laquelle passent les banques publiques tunisiennes nous pousse à déterminer les causes de l’inefficience de ces banques et nous oblige à chercher les solutions possibles à ce problème. Parmi les solutions possibles, on trouve trois cas : fusion, recapitalisation et privatisation. Notre échantillon est constitué de toutes les banques commerciales tunisiennes pendant la période 2005-2014. Pour mesurer l’efficience de ces banques, nous utilisons spécification translogarithmique pour la fonction de coût. Les résultats montrent que les banques publiques sont plus inefficientes que les banques privées qui ont une taille plus faible : les banques privées enregistrent des scores d’efficiences les plus élevées, avec une moyenne sectorielle de l’ordre de (81,3 %). En effet, ce sont les risques de crédits qui sont la cause principale de l’inefficience technique des banques publiques. Ce qui implique que ces dernières ont beaucoup de problèmes de gestion et en particulier de gouvernance.
The objective of this paper is to examine the influence of lobbies on the choice of a country's trade policy. The existence of several illegal financings of electoral campaigns has led us to ask questions about the proliferation of protectionist trade practices. Indeed, there are sources of illegal financing such as bribes for granting a commitment to a tariff protection of a lobby's interests.A new conception attempts to show that the political players are the main responsible for the adoption of a protectionist trade policy: the political players, who are financed by companies during their electoral campaigns, should keep their promises vis-à-vis these companies by raising excise duties or adopting unfair trade policies such as export subsidies.Lobbying is able to disrupt international trade negotiations by exerting pressure on its government and obliging it to take a decision that does not comply with the rules of international trade. International trade negotiations taking place within the GATT are often disturbed by political issues: the political and social pressures have continued ravaging the international trade negotiations. The best known example is the problem of agricultural subsidies between the EU and the United States.To solve the problems related the control of political spending, we assumed the existence of a monitoring body that is called (ICCERGI) (Independent Commission for the Control of Elections and Research of General Interest) which plays the role of "Principal". The aim of the latter is to control the operations that take place between political parties and interest groups, that we called the "Agents".
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