This article focuses on co‐operative movements’ role in developing new firms and sectors. In contrast to ‘developmental movements’ which secure legislative, policy, program, and promotional, financial, and technical assistance supports for co‐operative development campaigns, this paper investigates the problem of co‐operative ‘movement degeneration’ – why some movements’ developmental commitments gradually erode. The paper next investigates the project of ‘movement regeneration’ – how mature movements become reoriented toward movement goals, including fostering successful co‐operative formations. This discussion includes the role of institutional intermediaries, educational and cultural interventions, and mobilizing networks in regenerative movement action.
This study uses Gramscian hegemony theory and the social movement approach to cooperative development to investigate the cooperative development gap that opened up between the provinces of Québec and Saskatchewan from 1980 to 2010. First, provincial sector growth is compared across several indices to establish this gap’s empirical scope and scale. Second, historical research and fieldwork findings are used to illuminate the gap’s origins and its historical significance. The article concludes that the development gap has been largely driven by bloc formation and dissolution—the historic erosion of Saskatchewan’s traditional, agrarian-cooperative bloc and the renewal and expansion of Québec’s social economy bloc.RÉSUMÉCette étude utilise la théorie de l’hégémonie de Gramsci et la méthode par le mouvement social pour le développement des coopératives afin d’enquêter sur l’écart qui s’est creusé entre les provinces du Québec et de la Saskatchewan de 1980 à 2010 en ce qui a trait au développement des coopératives. Tout d’abord, pour établir la portée et l’échelle empiriques de cet écart, cette étude compare la croissance de ce secteur entre les deux provinces. Ensuite, l’origine de l’écart et sa signification historique sont mis en lumière grâce aux recherches historiques et aux conclusions tirées de l’étude sur le terrain. Finalement, il est conclut dans cet article que l’écart de développement a été majoritairement créé par la formation et la dissolution de blocs – l’érosion par le temps du bloc coopératif agraire traditionnel de la Saskatchewan ainsi que le renouveau et l’expansion du bloc d’économie sociale du Québec.
This interdisciplinary study reconsiders nineteenth-century English newspaper editor George Jacob Holyoake’s paradoxical legacy. Drawing on Gramscian cultural hegemony theory, the study demonstrates Holyoake’s use of press activism to win liberal reforms, culturally empower the working class and articulate Owenist-socialism’s evolving counter-hegemony. In particular, it shows that his editorial agitations laid important discursive foundations for secularism, freedom of the radical press and the co-operative movement. Although Holyoake is frequently celebrated by secularists and co-operators alike for his leading role in their movements’ historic take-off, this article argues his alternative journalism decisively underwrote those campaigns. Against clerical, capitalist and repressive state power, his editorial labour thereby shaped the emergent, oppositional culture that transformed a pre-democratic Britain. Although Holyoake’s multiplex legacy has overshadowed his alternative journalism’s importance, this article thus illuminates his neglected role as an ‘organic intellectual’ of the English working class, an ‘integral journalist’ and an alternative media pioneer.
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