Adolescents who have been incarcerated are at extreme risk for poor adult outcomes. However, some former youth offenders become successful, happy adults, presenting a profile of strength and coping known as resilience. This article describes the results of a 5-year qualitative examination of resilience among a group of adolescents transitioning from youth correctional facilities back into their communities. Topics discussed include predelinquent histories, experiences in the correctional system, and postcorrections transition. Currently about half of the respondents are successful—employed, going to school, or raising children. Others are less stable and may be at risk of being rearrested. Internal and situational factors accounting for these differences are discussed. Implications for practice include restructuring post-corrections transition services and improving school-based supports to at-risk youth.
Juvenile offenders are costly to our society in terms of the monetary and social expenditures from the legal system, victims' person costs, and incarceration. The re-entry and community reintegration outcomes for formerly incarcerated youth with a disabling condition are bleak compared to peers without disabilities. In this study, we examined the factors--both static and interventionrelated--that reduce recidivism rates for project participants possessing a mental health and/or special education diagnosis and were served by a facility-to-community reentry intervention. Our sample was comprised of a total of 320 youth formerly incarcerated who received project services between August of 1999 through June of 2004. Project services include a transition specialist whose role is service coordination to youth from the facility to the community. Kaplan-Meier survival functions were calculated for participants on the outcome measure of the rates of recidivism. Additionally, Cox regression modeling was used to identify factors for the prediction of time to recidivate. Our findings indicate that the intervention may contribute to reduced recidivism rates but that a set of static demographic and pre-incarceration risks contribute more to the prediction of recidivism than community adjustment factors (e.g., employment or enrollment). With these findings, the intervention seems promising yet it remains unclear about which programmatic features contribute to reduced recidivism rates. Implications for research and practice are shared.
This article reports on factors that influence the sustainability of secondary transition innovations in local schools. We used a two-stage research process, which combined broad survey methods and an embedded case study design, to investigate the sustainability of a specific school-to-community transition model for youth with disabilities. We found that sustainability of comprehensive secondary transition innovations is increased when local programs (a) have the support of at least one key administrator, (b) produce positive student outcomes that are valued by school and community stakeholders, and (c) create a clear and unique role for their services that meets identified needs within the district. Program staff and administrators can increase the likelihood of these events occurring and of local programs being sustained. Implications for developing secondary transition innovations to support greater integration and sustainability in local schools are discussed.
Little is known about the perceptions of teachers of their students returning from the juvenile justice system, which can influence student relationships and student engagement, both of which are critical to reduce recidivism rates. This study utilized an online survey to examine the perceptions of a convenience sample of 283 school personnel (e.g., special educators, administrators) from across the country on available transition services, school climate, self-efficacy, barriers faced during reentry, and supportive strategies. Findings indicate transition services are implemented inconsistently; personnel believe they have the ability to positively influence youth, yet they have low expectations for youth after graduation. Findings suggest opportunities for professional development on holding high expectations for youth, services to prevent negative outcomes. Implications for future research call for examination of wraparound services and analysis of transition services utilized across different states and regions of the country.
At 17 years of age, Mike is released from a youth correctional facility and will be returning to school after being incarcerated for 5 months. For the last 3 years, Mike has been incarcerated for various offenses, from possession of drugs to a low-level property offense. Each time he exits a facility, Mike says, "This time is going to be different." However, he keeps finding himself in the company of some of his old friends with whom he originally got into trouble. His actions do not match his words. Mike's parole plan includes enrolling in school and getting a part-time job. He is concerned about meeting the demands of this plan as he has never held a job. Mike is concerned about the stigma of being involved in the juvenile system. He thinks, "Who would hire me?" Nonetheless, he is excited that having a job will occupy his time so he will not be as apt to hang out with his old friends. A job might even allow him to meet some new acquaintances. Although the number of juvenile arrests has declined steadily since the mid-1990s, the United States still has the highest rate of incarcerated youth among industrialized countries (Mendel, 2011). Collateral consequences of incarceration in early life include missed opportunities to develop adaptive skills and social stigma that may impact positive identity formation. In a 7-year longitudinal study of 1,171 adolescent males in the United States, Dmitrieva, Monahan, Cauffman, and Steinberg (2012) found that incarceration negatively affected psychological maturity in the areas of temperance (impulse control and suppression of aggression), perspective (consideration of others and future orientation), and responsibility (personal responsibility and resistance to peer influence). These findings are consistent with Mike's experiences in facilities, where he followed a strict schedule and all decisions were made for him (e.g., what and when to eat, when to participate in therapy, when to go to class), 694409B BXXXX10.1177/1074295617694409Beyond BehaviorPham et al.
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