This paper frames the approach to determining policies in response to the COVID-19 pandemic, which either prioritise human health security protection or economic vulnerability. In this paper, the human security concept will be used to explain COVID-19 as a health security problem due to the existence of an existential threat. However, the same approach is not applicable in looking at COVID-19 as an economic security problem. Because the existential threat is less visible in human economic security aspects, it tends to be more appropriate to look at COVID-19 as the stressor that strengthens human vulnerabilities. This paper uses a qualitative descriptive approach by using the conceptual framework to analyse news, reports, books, and academic journals as the sources of data. The writers analyse and group the data by types of security, as well as based upon the root causes that contribute to human vulnerability, then compare both sectors. This paper argues that in the pandemic situation, human health is threatened, whereas the economy is at a vulnerable position due to COVID-19. This paper also argues that COVID-19 has not yet threatened human economic security in the early stage, but soon, it will. As a result, stakeholders need to prioritise policies based on the human health security approach.

Association of Southeast Asia Nation (ASEAN) is developing ASEAN Regional Identity to bring ASEAN people together also softly integrate ASEAN people in the project of the ASEAN Community. Through this project, ASEAN begins to put the ideational aspect in the quantification. This paper argues regional identity is a social project, the same as Indonesia's creations. The invention of Indonesia as a state is Indonesia's founding father's social project through the nationalism narrations that flourish at that time. On the other hand, regional identity is the narrations that are used to projecting the ASEAN Community. Indonesia has experienced similar but not identical social integrations. This paper argues that Indonesia's experience could contribute to ASEAN regional Identity development. This writing will provide the reason why Indonesia capable to do so. Indonesia is a suitable example of how the various nations shared their identity in the form of Indonesia. Scholars argue that Indonesia practicing integrative nationalism different from Indochina who practicing exclusive nationalism. Tracing Indonesia shared identity making in the process of growing inclusive nationalism will be performed to seek Indonesian contributions to ASEAN regional Identity. If Indonesia could elaborate on their experience to ASEAN regional identity-making Indonesia could strengthen its role in ASEAN.

This writing argues that nation-states could be treated as an identity rather than only the accepted actor of international relations. Understand nation-states as an identity is important, following the constructivist argument that identity could shape an individual or even nation-states' intention. Nation-states as the main actor of international relations impacted to their intention define only by the identity that emerges from it. Although, other identities especially religious identity in this writing argued still relevant in the identity conceptual framework that this paper provides. This paper highlights that nation-states identity work as representative identity, as the basis of identification over self-image on the surface. Meanwhile, religious identity lies within the nation-states; it might not always represent nation-states but could do so on a contextual basis. This is qualitative research using identity as the conceptual framework. Then, literature studies as the method and data collection been done by collecting relevant academic journals, books, and other relevant articles.

Oil prices directly impact Venezuela's circumstance due to 95% of their revenue come from oil export. Since 2013, oil prices drop significantly compared to the previous year. Thus, the crisis hits Venezuela severely. The impacts not only feel in domestic level but also in international level. China is Venezuela's bilateral partner that was impacted by the Venezuela crisis. Venezuela failed to fulfill their oil export to China to pay their loan in the oil-for-loan diplomacy scheme. Thus, their cooperation failed to fulfill the economic gain. However, China still shows the action that favorable Venezuela. Backing up non-intervention toward Venezuela in the UN, provide new loan and adjust the payment of the previous loan also diversify their investment in Venezuela. This paper argues that this action is no more for merely material gain. But it is the action that is based on the newly ideational aspect of China's foreign policy, which is the China Community of Common Destiny. Thus, this research will analyze how this rhetoric idea involves China's action towards Venezuela. Also, this research will address their relations and China's diplomatic option toward their relations with Venezuela in crisis circumstances.