Objectives:We prospectively compared the postvaccination immunity to messenger ribonucleic acid BNT162b2 severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) vaccine of our pediatric patients over 12 years old with inflammatory bowel disease (IBD) to that of healthy controls and looked for predictors of its robustness. Methods: Anti-receptor binding domain, anti-spike S2, and anti-nucleocapsid immunoglobin-G (IgG) and immunoglobin-A levels were measured in 139 pediatric patients with IBD [65 fully vaccinated (2 doses), median age 16.3, interquartile range (IQR) 15.2-17.8 years, median time from vaccination (IQR) 61.0 (42.0-80.0) days] and 1744 controls (46, 37-57 years) using microblot array. Results: All IBD and control patients developed positive anti-receptor binding domain IgG antibodies at comparable titers. The proportion of observations with positive anti-spike S2 IgG was higher in patients with IBD than in controls [63% vs 21%, odds ratio 2.99 (1.51-5.90)], as was its titer [median (IQR) 485 (92-922) vs 79 [33-180] IU/mL]. Anti-receptor binding domain and anti-spike S2 IgG levels were associated with IBD status. We found an association between anti-spike S2 IgG levels and time since vaccination (β −4.85, 95% CI −7.14 to 2.71, P = 0.0001), history of SARS-CoV-2 polymerase chain reaction positivity (206.76, 95% CI 39.93-374.05, P = 0.0213), and anti-tumor necrosis factor treatment (−239.68, 95% CI −396.44-83.55, P = 0.0047). Forty-three percent of patients reported vaccination side effects (mostly mild). Forty-six percent of observations with positive anti-nucleocapsid IgG had a history of SARS-CoV-2 infection. Conclusions: Patients with IBD produced higher levels of postvaccination anti-spike S2 antibodies than controls. Previous SARS-CoV-2 infection is associated with higher production of postvaccination antibodies and antitumor necrosis factor treatment with lower production.
In terms of political performance the Czech Republic of the 1990s was considered as a very successful post‑communist country. Today’s situation is different. The Czech Republic felt into deep political inefficiency. This paper aims to show the core and causes of the current crisis of the Czech politics. It briefly introduces the rather temporary and circumstantial success of the Czech politics in the 1990s. Then it analyzes the onset of the crisis as well as reasons, which led to a deterioration of the Czech politics at the turn of the 21st century. It recognizes three essential dimensions of the Czech political inefficiency: a crisis of confidence when it comes to politics, a crisis of the Czech party system and the weakness of the Czech parliamentary regime.
The chapter considers three Czech parties that display populist features: the ruling party ANO and two non-governmental parties, Freedom and Direct Democracy and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia. In our text we first explain the broader political context, the spread of COVID-19 and the political measures to address the virus in the Czech Republic. It looks at the populist discourse of the three parties and, finally, their strategies of (de)politicisation regarding the COVID-19 issue. The chapter shows that the COVID-19 epidemy has not yet transformed their rhetoric but has brought to light its most important features. In the case of ANO especially, there was a strong tendency to try to depoliticise the issue by involving experts and especially epidemiologists in the discussion.
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