The Crisis of the Czech Politics 25 Years after the Velvet Revolution

Brunclík, Miloš; Kubát, Michal

doi:10.12797/politeja.11.2014.28.07

Cited by 6 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…All in all, the Association for the New Constitution is not formally a political party. The avoidance of the notion of a political party may be due to the lack of trust in political parties as intermediaries in the democratic process (Hug 2001;Brunclík, Kubát 2014). We argue, however, that even if an organization rejects the characteristics of a political party, it may be assumed that it acts as such, taking part in the elections, having representatives in the parliament, pursuing aims related to the exercise of public authority as it is stated in its statute.…”

Section: All I Stand For Is Smds the Non-partisan Organization Of Paw...mentioning

confidence: 95%

New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland

Kosowska‐Gąstoł¹,

Sobolewska-Myślik²

2017

CJPS

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Parties launched by political entrepreneurs are usually newcomers into more or less established party systems. Their ‘founding fathers’ act without specific external group support and the literature on new parties predicts that there is a low survival rate for entrepreneurial parties. In the case of Poland, the party system had been relatively stable from the 2001 until the 2011 parliamentary elections and subsequently some new parties entered into politics, tried to gain electoral support as well as political relevance. The most recent groupings in the Polish political system which are closest to the theoretical concept of entrepreneurial parties are the Palikot’s Movement (Ruch Palikota), Kukiz’15 and the Modern Party (Nowoczesna). The aim of the paper is to examine to what extent the leaders of these parties can be seen as political entrepreneurs and the parties as ‘entrepreneurial parties’. Another point we discuss is in which aspects the leaders of the parties examined are similar in their role of political entrepreneurs and in which they differ. In order to answer these questions, the previous careers of the leaders, the ways they entered politics and the strategies they used to achieve their goals will also be analyzed.

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Section: All I Stand For Is Smds the Non-partisan Organization Of Paw...mentioning

confidence: 95%

New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland

Kosowska‐Gąstoł¹,

Sobolewska-Myślik²

2017

CJPS

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“…In addition, Hájek (2017) claims that the threat of the European financial crisis and criticism of the increasing public debt were also perceived as important political issues. Brunclík and Kubát (2014) recognised three main dimensions of the Czech political crisis: a crisis of confidence in politics, a crisis in the Czech party system and the weakness of the Czech parliamentary regime. Logically, new political alternatives were sought and offered.…”

Section: Political Party Landscapementioning

confidence: 99%

The Affinity of the Former Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

Školkay¹,

Laczko²,

Havlíček

et al. 2022

10.14746/ssp

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There was found just one preference for alternative or controversial sources that Babiš designated as permanently liked media sources on FB. Surprisingly, Babiš did not even “like” permanently any of those media that he purchased a few years earlier and put into the governance of a special foundation while acting like a politician. Babiš preferred quality economic business magazines and journals. He liked only one media source that could be considered alternative media – Internet TV XTV. However, not even this online TV can be seen as a traditional alternative/disinformation medium, but rather as a borderline case. Andrej Babiš on FB also liked pages of NGOs, cultural institutions, and some other rather unusual non-political activities.

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“…"The president's new legitimacy tends to come into conflict with the legitimacy of parliament" (Holzer et al 2020: 80). Many scholars described this situation as a crisis in the system (Brunclík and Kubát 2014;Deloy 2013;Král 2014).…”

Section: The Czech Foreign Policy and Relations With Russiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Russian Influence-Seeking by Way of Natural Gas Supplies in the Visegrad Countries from 1990 to 2015

Sárvári

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Findings of my dissertation contribute to three bodies of literature - in the first place to the burgeoning field of influence in international relations, secondly to the conflicted nature of energy security, and finally to the literature on policy choices during transition in the natural gas sector. First, conceptual confusion about what influence in international relations is, how to measure it and analyse, persists in the literature. This is a result of the interplay of a number of factors. I argue, that the concept of influence is as important as it is ambiguous in international relations. The same applies to the notion of power. Moreover, the two concepts are inherently connected, however, one defines them, and they are even equated by many, at least in certain contexts, even though power-as-influence should be distinguished from power-as-control. Conceptually, I introduced the process tracing method to assessing historic developments of influence by analysing geographical proximity, existing pipeline infrastructure, ruling elites’ relations with Russia and the EU requirements on the stance of Visegrad Countries. To my best knowledge, this has not been done before. Second, energy security resulted in more than three dozen mainstream definitions available in the energy security literature and additional meta-literature on the classification of energy security definitions and conceptualizations. My contribution to the energy security literature in this context is refocusing the concentration from a prescriptive conceptual approach to energy security which has been preoccupied with finding the right definition, to a conceptualization of energy security grounded in empirical observation and guided by a descriptive approach. Instead of defining what energy security ought to be, I provide empirical observations. Not everything that governments prioritize and do, which pertains to energy, is energy security. Contrary to the expectations of the literature, governments often prioritize other aims than security, even in the objective lack of sufficient security. Additionally, I have enriched literature by introducing the quantitative measure of links of government officials to the previous regime, linking the problem of transitional policies to energy security, which is particularly applicable to understanding of security in general, and energy security in particular during times of transition from totalitarian regimes towards more open and pluralistic ones. The broader theoretical contribution of this dissertation consists of finding the definition for influence in international relations, also finding an argument for reframing the energy policy debate by bringing back domestic politics, and contributing to understanding of policy prioritization during the transition in the natural gas sector. By providing an explanation for the variation and timing of domestic responses to the structural position of gas import dependence over time in countries in transition I have also contributed to the broader research field of domestic responses to comparable international conditions. The analytical framework presented in the research could be used when applied to other cases within this understudied group of countries. The lack of theoretical background in the natural gas security problems has wrought a place where, in most cases, the descriptive analysis completely rules the debate on the role that natural gas resources play in foreign policy.

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The Crisis of the Czech Politics 25 Years after the Velvet Revolution

Cited by 6 publications

References 6 publications

New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland

New Political Entrepreneurs in Poland

The Affinity of the Former Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

Russian Influence-Seeking by Way of Natural Gas Supplies in the Visegrad Countries from 1990 to 2015

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