The fact that Aboriginal peoples in Canada have experienced sizable and persistent earnings disadvantages is well documented. However, the most recent estimates of Aboriginal-non-Aboriginal wage differentials utilize data from the 2006 Census. The present analysis seeks to address this gap by providing more recent estimates of Aboriginal earnings disparities for various groups of full-time, full-year workers using data from the 2011 National Household Survey (NHS). We estimate and decompose Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal wage gaps at the mean for a number of different Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal groups living on- and off- reserve. We find that, consistent with previous literature, Aboriginal peoples continue to experience sizable earnings disparities relative to their non-Aboriginal counterparts. We find that Aboriginal Identity respondents living on-reserve experience the largest earnings disparity, followed by males who identify as First Nations and live off-reserve. Respondents who report Aboriginal ancestry, but who do not identify as Aboriginal persons, experience the smallest earnings disadvantage. Results of the decomposition analysis reveal that, unsurprisingly, educational attainment is the most salient factor contributing to the explained portion of the earnings disparity between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians. Somewhat disconcerting, we find that where wage disparities are the largest, the explained proportion of the gap tends to be the smallest. Although previous studies can only serve as a rough comparator, relative to earlier estimates of Aboriginal/non-Aboriginal wage differentials using previous census periods, we find that earnings disparities among Aboriginal ancestry groups have remained relatively constant; wage gaps for Aboriginal identity groups have narrowed slightly; while the earnings disadvantage has widened for Aboriginal identity persons living on-reserve. Research and policy programs aimed at improving educational attainment and access to employment among Indigenous peoples are likely worthwhile initiatives. However, more research is needed on the potential role of discrimination in contributing to the persistent earnings disparities between Indigenous and non-Indigenous persons in Canada.

The emergence of a new housing crisis in the United States for low‐income renter households at the outset of the twenty‐first century can be traced to an increasing lack of affordability, where the average cost of housing as a portion of income has risen steadily over the last half‐century. In turn, this rise in housing costs can be attributed to a growing and dramatic shortage of low‐cost rental housing. Ultimately, the evocation of homeownership as the embodiment of the ‘American Dream’ has made renting the ‘stepchild’ of housing options, and this has had hidden, but nonetheless deleterious effects upon US cities, which remain major concentrations of rental housing and financially‐strapped tenants. Aux Etats‐Unis, on peut imputer la nouvelle crise du logement du début du vingt‐et‐unième siècle touchant les ménages locataires à faibles revenus à une impossibilité croissante d'accessibilité financière, la part du coût moyen d'un logement dans le revenu ayant progressé constamment au cours du demi‐siècle précédent. Par ailleurs, cette élévation des coûts du logement peut être attribuée à une pénurie accrue et dramatique de l'habitat à loyer modéré. Enfin, évoquer l'accession à la propriété comme incarnation du ‘Rêve américain’ a fait de la location le ‘parent pauvre’ des possibilités de logement, ce qui a eu des effets latents, quoique néfastes, sur les grandes villes américaines, lesquelles restent des concentrations dominantes de logements locatifs et d'occupants désargentés.

One of the pivotal moments in the move toward mathematizing economics occurred at the turn of the twentieth century, with Leon Walras as perhaps its most ardent champion. Yet, there is no small irony here, in that the leading French mathematicians to whom Walras turned to buttress and defend the case for a mathematical economics, especially Henri Poincare and Emile Picard, laid out reservations to the scope of this mathematizing program. They even pointed to matters, including the hold of the past on future events and hysteresis, a subject already in the discourse of mathematical physicists, which might have fashioned economics differently from the neoclassical mold being formed. This alternate pathway, though, was not pursued at the time.

Economists have often aligned the field of economics with physics; in the process seeking to enhance the rigor of economics by mathematizing it. In the late nineteenth century there was no more ardent champion of this view of what economics should become than Leon Walras. His own writings, though, betray a tension between comprehending this mathematization as proceeding in parallel with physics or through a metaphorical analogy with physics. The limitations in Walras' ability to axiomatize economics reveal a flawed effort to establish the foundations of economics by analogy; this difficulty has persisted through the twentieth century.Leon Walras, neo-classical economic thought through 1925, economic methodology, economic equilibrium, relation of economics to other disciplines,

How time is comprehended in economics is central to the type of discipline to which economics is analogized. Rejecting the symmetrical notion of time in classical physics, Joan Robinson emphasized the importance of 'historical time', and hence history. A new generation of economists�-�including Paul Krugman, Paul David, and Brian Arthur�-�took up Robinson's challenge, seeking to create a new historical economics by relating random or 'accidental' historical events in different ways to the necessity of economic rules, and finding that, as Robinson saw, scale effects were crucial. Their efforts, however, fell short of integrating history into economics.Joan Robinson, Paul Krugman, Paul David, W. Brian Arthur, historical economics, scale effects,