In this study, we set out to explain anti-Muslim attitudes in the Netherlands. Although the presence and immigration of Muslims have become widely discussed, there is little systematic evidence about the determinants underlying anti-Muslim attitudes. Using data from the Social and Cultural Developments in the Netherlands (SOCON) survey (2005, 2006), containing a more detailed measurement of anti-Muslim attitudes, we tested two contradictory mechanisms, derived from ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory. Results from hierarchical structural equation modelling indicate that the relative outgroup size induces both intergroup friendship contact as well as perceptions of ethnic threat. However, only the latter turned out to affect anti-Muslim attitudes directly. Moreover, our findings revealed that contact with colleagues belonging to ethnic minority groups reduces negative attitudes towards Muslims and mediates the effect of individuallevel determinants on anti-Muslim attitudes. The complementary nature of both ethnic competition theory and intergroup contact theory is illustrated by negative correlation between both mediating mechanisms, as well as the support for a curvilinear relationship between outgroup size and perceived ethnic threat.

Support for radical right parties has grown rapidly in many Western countries over the past few decades. In recent years, many studies have addressed the relationship between the presence of ethnic minorities in people's living environment and their support for a radical right party, but consensus is hard to find as to how ethnic minority density is related to support for the radical right, let alone why. In this contribution, we demonstrate that in The Netherlands, ethnic minority density is positively related to the likelihood to vote for the Party for Freedom. This is particularly the case when the size of the minority group exceeds 15 per cent of the total neighbourhood population. We could establish this relationship by using the Dutch 1Vandaag Opinion Panel data set, a unique large-scale, individual-level data set comprising 21,200 native Dutch respondents living in 3,068 different neighbourhoods. We enriched this data set with contextual information derived from Statistics Netherlands. The reason why ethnic minority density is linked to support for the radical right is that these residents see non-Western migrants as a threat for their neighbourhood. This is particularly true for residents who do not mingle with their non-coethnic neighbours.

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In this study we describe differences of the ethnic majorities' attitudes toward Muslims across Western countries. Using data from the Pew Global Attitudes Survey (2005), we were able to increase and test cross-cultural comparability of anti-Muslim attitudes. We constructed a single factor CFA model with three indicators, which was tested for scalar equivalence. Our results indicate that anti-Muslim attitudes differ significantly across the countries in our analysis. Germany and the Netherlands turned out to display relatively high levels of anti-Muslim attitudes, whereas these levels were relatively low in Great-Britain and the USA. We conclude our study with giving some post-hoc explanations for the differences found across countries. Keywords Anti-Muslim attitudes • Cross-cultural research • Measurement equivalence 1 Introduction and research questionPrevious research on out-group derogation in Western countries has been mainly focused on ethnic minorities, refugees or immigrants in general (e.g., Scheepers et al. 2002;Mclaren and Johnson 2007;Zick et al. 2008). Since a relatively large proportion of the ethnic minority population is Muslim (estimates range from 7 to 15 million Muslims in Europe) (Zolberg and Woon 1999;Fetzer and Soper 2003), it is rather remarkable that only a few studies

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In this study, we test whether Putnam’s general claim of a negative effect of ethnic diversity holds for (active and passive) involvement in three types of voluntary organizations: leisure, interest, and activist organizations. Using data from the European Social Survey (wave 1), we applied multilevel analyses distinguishing individuals, regions, and countries. Only at the regional level, did we find that ethnic diversity reduced involvement in interest organizations. Yet, ethnic diversity induced passive involvement in activist organizations. Subsequently, we included mechanisms derived from conflict and contact theory to disentangle the indirect effects of ethnic diversity. Ethnic threat perceptions influenced participation in all voluntary associations negatively, while intergroup contact turned out to have positive influences. Our findings stress the necessity of distinguishing different types of voluntary organizations and modes of involvement and underline the importance of incorporating indirect effects of ethnic diversity.

In recent years, Europe witnessed several terrorist attacks by Islamist terrorists. To date, crucial questions are whether and how such events influence the European public’s resistance towards Muslims, and if such influence depends on the level of intergroup competition, both at the contextual and individual level. Using the European Social Survey (ESS7), we were able to compare respondents interviewed shortly before and after the terrorist attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015. While we found no support for a moderating role of intergroup competition, our study shows that the levels of resistance towards Muslim immigrants were higher shortly after the attacks in Ireland and Czech Republic, however, lower in France. For Austria, Finland and Germany we found no influence. Our findings indicate that one cannot be too careful with generalizing conclusions from single countries.

As a result of the 2015 refugee crisis, a substantial number of voters experienced a sudden and unexpected influx of asylum seekers in their neighbourhood in the Netherlands. We examined whether and why local exposure to asylum seekers leads to more support for the radical right (i.e. PVV). Our analyses are based on a longitudinal individual-level panel dataset including more than 19,000 respondents (1VOP) who were interviewed just before and shortly after the height of the refugee crisis. We enriched this dataset with detailed information about where asylum seekers were housed from the Central Agency for the Reception of Asylum Seekers. Our empirical study resembles a natural experiment, because some residents experienced an increase in exposure to asylum seekers but similar residents did not. PVV support increased during the refugee crisis and especially among residents who became more exposed to asylum seekers in their neighbourhood.