When acquiring Spanish object pronouns (OP), English-speaking second language (L2) learners must learn the variety
of forms available, word order, and case distinctions. The acquisition of case distinctions in particular is an aspect that has
not been thoroughly investigated. Zyzik (2006) showed, through production tasks, that
English-speaking L2 Spanish learners overgeneralize the dative form to accusative contexts when the referent is animate. This
study investigates how L2 learners use animacy (human, animal, and inanimate object) instead of case marking as cues to interpret
and produce L2 Spanish object pronouns. Data from an interpretation task and a fill-in-the-blank production task were collected
from 121 intermediate to advanced levels of Spanish learners. Results from linear mixed effects models reveal that learners show
effects of the influence of animacy on object pronoun distinction in comprehension as well as production. A key new finding is
that learners use the dative form with human referents, reserving accusative forms for animals and inanimate referents. These
results provide evidence that animacy cues strongly influence L2 Spanish learners in the formation of their OP paradigm,
especially at lower-proficiency levels. As proficiency increases, L2 learners begin to rely on case cues to distinguish Spanish
OPs.
Evidence that L2 learners of Spanish overgeneralize indirect object pronouns (OPs) to direct object contexts with human referents and direct OPs to indirect object contexts with nonhuman referents has been provided by Zyzik (2006), Malovrh (2008), and Olsen and Juffs (2022). However, the effect of instruction on this phenomenon has not been investigated. This study addresses the influence of instruction on preempting (Rutherford, 1989) an Animacy‐based system in L2 learners of Spanish by investigating whether instruction led learners to use a Case‐based OP system rather than an Animacy‐based system and at what level instruction was most beneficial. Data were collected from 115 L2 learners divided into two groups (instructed and control) who completed comprehension and production tasks at two different times (pretest, posttest). Between the pretest and posttest, learners in the instructed group received instruction on Spanish OPs using the PACE model for grammar instruction. Results from mixed analysis of variances indicate preemption of an Animacy‐based system in both learner groups. This finding is taken as evidence that the tasks themselves led learners to change their OP systems by forcing learners to process the object pronouns and notice additional possible contexts.
This study investigates L2 Spanish rhotic production in intermediate learners of Spanish, specifically addressing the duration of the influence of L1 English rhotic articulations and a phonetic environment involving English taps on the acquisition of Spanish taps and trills that Olsen (2012) found. Results from multiple linear regressions involving thirty-five students in Spanish foreign language classes show that the effect of English rhotic articulations evident in beginners has disappeared after four semesters of Spanish study. However, results from paired samples t-tests show that these more advanced learners produced accurate taps significantly more in words containing phonetic environments that produce taps in English. This effect is taken as evidence that L1 phonetic influences have a shorter duration on L2 production than do L1 phonological influences. These results provide insights into L2 rhotic acquisition which Spanish educators and students can use to formulate reasonable pronunciation expectations.
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