Across all sectors of the behavioral health field there has been growing concern about a workforce crisis. Difficulties encompass the recruitment and retention of staff and the delivery of accessible and effective training in both initial, preservice training and continuing education settings. Concern about the crisis led to a multiphased, cross-sector collaboration known as the Annapolis Coalition on the Behavioral Health Workforce. With support from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, this public-private partnership crafted An Action Plan for Behavioral Health Workforce Development. Created with input from a dozen expert panels, the action plan outlines seven core strategic goals that are relevant to all sectors of the behavioral health field: expand the role of consumers and their families in the workforce, expand the role of communities in promoting behavioral health and wellness, use systematic recruitment and retention strategies, improve training and education, foster leadership development, enhance infrastructure to support workforce development, and implement a national research and evaluation agenda. Detailed implementation tables identify the action steps for diverse groups and organizations to take in order to achieve these goals. The action plan serves as a call to action and is being used to guide workforce initiatives across the nation.
In this note, I conceptualize four models of causal processes that govern various dimensions of temporal experience. The rst is classic determinism, while the other three are variations on the theme of self-determination. Efforts at self-determination are de ned as forms of agency that I call time work. These agentic practices involve attempts to control, manipulate, or customize one's own temporality or that of others. I draw empirical instances of determinism from 705 rst-person descriptions of circumstances during which time was perceived to pass slowly. Examples of self-determination come from in-depth interviews with 408 subjects.My interest in temporality began with a question concerning causality: What makes for variation in the perceived passage of time? As I pursued this research, the weight of accumulating evidence suggested that perceived duration is modulated by our immediate circumstances-that is, the interplay between self and situation (Flaherty 1999). My analytic framework was derived from classic determinism; there is a cause (variation in one's circumstances) and an effect (variation in the perceived passage of time).Along the way, however, I noticed cases where, in a sense, people had asked themselves, "What kind of temporal experience do I want to have?" Then, having answered this question, they had taken steps to bring into being circumstances that provoked the desired form of temporal experience. These individuals had constructed their own circumstances and had done so, moreover, with the intention to shape the perceived passage of time. Rather than be at the mercy of forces beyond their ken or control, these people seemed to be exercising a measure of selfdetermination. Paraphrasing Sanders (1989), they were customizing temporal expe-THEORETICAL NOTE
This paper presents a theoretical model that identifies and accounts for the full range of variation in the experience of duration. The model has been generated through inductive theory construction, using empirical materials drawn from the triangulation of qualitative methods. Its central proposition is that variation in the perceived passage of time reflects variation in the density of conscious information processing per standard temporal unit. CONCEPTUALIZING VARIATION IN THE EXPERIENCE OF TIME 395of the folk saying that busy time seems to go by quickly: "In general, a timefilled with varied and interesting experiences seems short in passing, but long as we look back.On the other hand, a tract of time empp of experiences seems long in passing, but in retrospect short." James' formulation has the virtue of incorporating the element of memory, but it does not encompass much of the variation in the experience of duration. In fact, under certain conditions, a busy interval is experienced as passing very slowly. Consider what happens to the experience of time when Ansel Adams (1985, p. 7) finds himself in an earthquake:At five-fifteen the next morning, we were awakened by a tremendous noise. Our beds were moving violently about. Nelly held frantically onto mine, as together we crashed back and forth against the walls. Our west window gave way in a shower of glass, and the handsome brick chimney passed by the north window, slicing through the greenhouse my father had just completed. The roaring, swaying, moving, and grinding continued for what seemed like a long time; it actually took less than a minute.. 1974. Fram Analysis. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.Relations." A m i c a n Sociological Review 48: 129-135.
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