Separation events differ in lexicalisation patterns (Talmy 2000) and in argument realisation (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2005) cross-linguistically. There are different types of separation events. “Cutting” and “breaking” events involve a non-reversible change in object integrity and have been systematically researched cross-linguistically in recent times (Guerssel et al 1985; Bohnemeyer 2008; Majid et al. 2008; Schaefer and Egbokhare 2012). In this paper, some of the generalisations that have been made concerning CUT and BREAK verbs are tested based on data from Tafi, a Ghana-Togo Mountain language. I investigate the morpho-syntactic properties of Tafi CUT and BREAK verbs in relation to a suggested generalisation by Guerssel et al. that BREAK verbs have a transitive/intransitive argument structure and participate in the causative/inchoative alternation; while CUT verbs are transitive and they are not expected to occur without their external argument. The types of events referred to by the CUT and BREAK verbs and the combinatorial capacity of the individual verbs are also explored. Based on an analysis of stimulus-elicitations and spontaneous language performances recorded in the field, I show that the Tafi verb bhui ‘cut’ can be used in an intransitive/resultative construction in which the theme, the internal argument, occurs as the subject. Drawing on the behaviour of bhui ‘cut’ I interrogate the explanations that have been offered in the literature with respect to such deviations from the generalisation. I argue that the verb argument alternation potential of a verb depends on the verb semantics as well as the type of (internal) argument it collocates with. Moreover, I explore the semantic interpretations of the verb when it combines with non-typical objects such as ‘water’. I show that such patterns and collocations such as ‘the water cut’ = ‘the water stopped running’, ‘cut a village’ = ‘establish a village’ are areal in nature (cf. Huttar et al. 2007).
The culinary field is where three of the well-authenticated examples of human universals; tool making, use of fire and cooking of food, come together. Yet in this field, cultures differ in their conceptualisation and linguistic representation of food preparation. In this study, I discuss the language of cooking in Tafi, a Ghana-Togo Mountain Language, focusing on five verbs: tɔ́ "cook, boil"; pʊɩ̄ "bake, roast", gba "fry, roast; sweep"; ge "cook (e.g. dumpling); drive (e.g. a car)" and tú "pound". I investigate the semantic relations among them and explore the cultural logic that unites the interpretations suggested by their translation equivalents. Thus, I show that the contextual interpretation of tɔ́ depends on the classes of nouns it collocates with: With kɩdɔ̄ "thing" it signals "prepare a meal". Where its complement is a specific product, the interpretation is "to make something" e.g., tɔ́ bésh(e)ɔkɔɛ̃ "prepare local soap". But if the complement names a food then it means "prepare that particular food" e.g. tɔ́ (elí) oni "prepare (oil-palm) soup". If the complement is a (raw) foodstuff, it is interpreted as "boil in water to", e.g. tɔ́ kídzē "egg" is interpreted as "cook egg" or "boil egg in water". Furthermore, I argue that the use of the activity verbs gba "sweep", ge "drive, paddle" (cf. Akan ka) and tú "pound" in the culinary field is based on the manner of food preparation. The Tafi conceptualisations and lexicalisation patterns will be compared to the vocabulary in Ewe and Akan to discover the similarities and differences.
This paper describes the constructions and strategies available in Tafi, a KA-Ghana-Togo-Mountain language, for indicating relations of similarity, equality or superiority among two or more entities or events with respect to a property. Drawing on typological studies of comparison, I demonstrate that Tafi’s dedicated comparative constructions, that is, equivalents of English sentences like The pig is more dirty than the duck involve serial verb construction (SVC) subtypes. For superiority, the parameter (or property, ‘dirty’) of the comparison is expressed by the V1 in the SVC while V2 is the ‘exceed’ verb. For equality, the parameter is the V1 and the V2 is the ‘be.equal’ verb. The V2s in these SVCs co-lexicalise both the mark (e.g. ‘than’) and index (e.g. ‘more’) of the comparison. The paper discusses the contact-driven influences from areal grammar and from Ewe, the dominant lingua franca for Tafi speakers, on the linguistic expression of comparison. The ‘exceed’ comparative structure found in African languages has been attributed to areal grammaticalisation. I further argue that the operator verb sɔ/sɔ̃ ‘be.equal’ in the Tafi equality SVC is borrowed from Ewe. Similarity constructions involve the semblative nâsí. Similarity is also signalled through the verb yi ‘resemble’. I also explore the ordinal verb bhusó ‘do.first’ as a lexical comparative. Furthermore, I argue that Tafi, like many other Kwa languages, does not formally code a superlative. Superlative readings are inferred from the context and from non-dedicated linguistic indicators such as intensifiers.
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