Separation events in Tafi language and culture

Abstract

Separation events differ in lexicalisation patterns (Talmy 2000) and in argument realisation (Levin and Rappaport Hovav 2005) cross-linguistically. There are different types of separation events. “Cutting” and “breaking” events involve a non-reversible change in object integrity and have been systematically researched cross-linguistically in recent times (Guerssel et al 1985; Bohnemeyer 2008; Majid et al. 2008; Schaefer and Egbokhare 2012). In this paper, some of the generalisations that have been made concerning CUT and BREAK verbs are tested based on data from Tafi, a Ghana-Togo Mountain language. I investigate the morpho-syntactic properties of Tafi CUT and BREAK verbs in relation to a suggested generalisation by Guerssel et al. that BREAK verbs have a transitive/intransitive argument structure and participate in the causative/inchoative alternation; while CUT verbs are transitive and they are not expected to occur without their external argument. The types of events referred to by the CUT and BREAK verbs and the combinatorial capacity of the individual verbs are also explored. Based on an analysis of stimulus-elicitations and spontaneous language performances recorded in the field, I show that the Tafi verb bhui ‘cut’ can be used in an intransitive/resultative construction in which the theme, the internal argument, occurs as the subject. Drawing on the behaviour of bhui ‘cut’ I interrogate the explanations that have been offered in the literature with respect to such deviations from the generalisation. I argue that the verb argument alternation potential of a verb depends on the verb semantics as well as the type of (internal) argument it collocates with. Moreover, I explore the semantic interpretations of the verb when it combines with non-typical objects such as ‘water’. I show that such patterns and collocations such as ‘the water cut’ = ‘the water stopped running’, ‘cut a village’ = ‘establish a village’ are areal in nature (cf. Huttar et al. 2007).

Semantics and Metaphorical Extensions of "PԐ" (To cut) in Nzema Communication

“…The authors provided evidence to show that the one-place construction in which the Akan verb twá 'to cut' occurs is not passive but rather inchoative Contrary to Guerssel et al's (1985) proposal that when CUTverbs occur intransitively in languages, they are passivesposition that is contrary to Guerssel et al's (1985) proposal that when CUTverbs occur intransitively in languages, they are passives. Agyepong and Osam also explored the contexts where the BREAK-verbs bú 'to break', bɔ ́ 'to break, or to crack' and pàé 'to split' do not lend themselves to be used in the one-place construction and demonstrated that when these three BREAK-verbs describe events that necessarily require the use of a (bladed) instrument, then their use in the oneplace construction cannot derive an 'enter-into-state' interpretation Among these works, Bobuafor's (2018) work seems to have a close resemblance with the current study, as we seek to also examine the extended contextual interpretations of pɛ, the CUTverb in Nzema beyond its basic meaning. These previous studies are insightful contributions to scholarly works on verbs in terms of cognitive semantics.…”

“…However, they also tend to occur in collocations where the affected objects do not have material integrity as such (c.f. Bobuafor, 2018). In such contexts, the expressions tend to have interpretations different from physical cutting and breaking (Spalek, 2015).…”

“…This expression entails a specific manner of creating a road, i.e. by slashing vegetation with an instrument in order to pave way (see also Bobuafor, 2018) for people to be able to make movement afterwards. Hence, Aku's initial behaviour, whether good or bad, is seen to be the 'opening channel' for her sibling, Aya to undertake same activity.…”

The combinatorial patterns of twá 'to cut' in Asante-Twi (Akan):

“…Studies such as Agyepong (2017), Spalek (2015), Bobuafor (2013;2018), Rappaport Hovav (2011;2014) have shown that generally, change of state verbs (henceforth COS verbs), which include C&B verbs, combine with a wide range of internal arguments to derive distinct (contextual) interpretations. These internal arguments range from physical to abstract objects, events and 1 The research for this paper was funded by the A.W.…”

“…Similarly, Bobuafor (2018: 15), in discussing the separation verb bhui 'cut' in Tafi (Ghana-Togo-Mountain language spoken in the South-eastern part of Ghana), shows that the verb has a range of interpretations depending on the nouns with which it collocates. Consider examples (2a-b) from Bobuafor (2018):…”