Yield trials frequently have both significant main effects and a significant genotype x environment (GE) interaction. Traditional statistical analyses are not always effective with this data structure: the usual analysis of variance (ANOV A), having a merely additive model, identifies the GE interaction as a source but does not analyze it; principal components analysis (PCA), on the other hand is a multiplicative model and hence contains no sources for additive genotype or environment main effects; and linear regression (LR) analysis is able to effectively analyze interaction terms only where the pattern fits a specific regression model. The consequence of fitting inappropriate statistical models to yield trial data is that the interaction may be declared nonsignificant, although a more appropriate analysis would find agronomically important and statistically significant patterns in the interaction. Therefore, agronomists and plant breeders may fail to perceive important interaction effects. This paper compares the above three traditional models with the additive main effects and multiplicative interaction (AMMI) Model, in an analysis of a soybean (Glycine max (L.) Merr.] yield trial. ANOV A fails to detect a significant interaction component, PCA fails to identify and separate the significant genotype and environment main effects, and LR accounts for only a small portion of the interaction sum of squares. On the other hand, AMMI analysis reveals a highly significant interaction component that has clear agronomic meaning. Since ANOV A, PCA, and LR are sub-cases of the more complete AMMI model, AMMI offers a more appropriate first statistical analysis of yield trials that may have a genotype x environment interaction. AMMI analysis can then be used to diagnose whether or not a specific sub-case provides a more appropriate analysis. AMMI has no specific experimental design requirements, except for a two-way data structure.Additional Index Words: Additive main effects and multiplicative interaction model, Analysis of variance, Biplot, Linear regression, Glycine max (L.) Merr., Principal components analysis.

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In 1993, a group of women shocked Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, with the news that dozens of girls and women had been murdered and dumped, like garbage, around the city during the year. As the numbers of murders grew over the years, and as the police forces proved unwilling and unable to find the perpetrators, the protestors became activists. They called the violence and its surrounding impunity "femicide," and they demanded that the Mexican government, at the local, state, and federal levels, stop the violence and capture the perpetrators. Nearly two decades later, the city's infamy as a place of femicide is giving way to another terrible reputation as a place of unprecedented drug violence. Since 2006, more than six thousand people have died in the city, as have more than twenty-eight thousand across the country, in relation to the violence associated with the restructuring of the cartels that control the production and distribution of illegal drugs. In response to the public outcry against the violence, the Mexican government has deployed thousands of troops to Ciudad Juárez as part of a military strategy to secure the state against the cartels. In this essay, I argue that the politics over the meaning of the drug-related murders and femicide must be understood in relation to gendered violence and its use as a tool for securing the state. To that end, I examine the wars over the interpretation of death in northern Mexico through a feminist application of the concept of necropolitics as elaborated by the postcolonial scholar Achille Mbembe. I examine how the wars over the political meaning of death in relation both to femicide and to the events called "drug violence" unfold through a gendering of space, of violence, and of subjectivity. My objective is twofold: first, to demonstrate how the antifemicide movement illustrates the stakes for a democratic Mexican state and its citizens in a context where governing elites argue that the violence devastating Ciudad Juárez is a positive outcome of the government's war against organized crime; and second, to show how a politics of gender is central to this kind of necropolitics.

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Across disciplines, a pressing question raised by contemporary feminist theorists is how to conceptualize the intricate relationship between "real" women -women as social agents -and "Woman"-an ideological representation of a female subject (Fraser and Nicholson, 1990; Poovey, 1990). In addressing this issue, some feminist scholars have shown how women often face the paradoxical situation of having to disavow this Woman in order to become the kind of women they want to be (Scott, 1996). For instance, in the workplace women still frequently contend with representations of Woman as the embodiment of a hormonally unstable, fecund, passive and uncontrollably sexual subject which they must somehow subvert in their efforts to establish their own careers (Martin, 1987;McDowell, 1995). A related question asks: Can we theorize how women participate in their own representation of themselves while simultaneously rejecting the representation of themselves as exemplars of Woman?Although I cannot explore all facets of this vexing issue, I will open up the discussion by way of an exploration of one woman's journey through the ideological representation of her as a "typical Mexican woman" in the Mexican maquiladoras. 1 My aim is to demonstrate how this ideology produces the capitalist division of labor through the reproduction of sex-difference, nationality and ethnic categories within one firm.The Mexican woman I highlight has the goal of becoming skilled within a U.S.-based firm that is initiating efforts to upgrade its Mexican labor force as part of a larger strategy for making the transition to flexible production.

This paper combines ethnographic research with discourse analysis to discuss how the protests of women sex workers in downtown Ciudad Juárez also represent protests against a larger urban economy that valorizes the disappearance of women from urban space. In Ciudad Juárez today, these disappearances are taking place as women and girls vanish from the publicity regarding progress in the maquiladora industry. The disappearances occur as more women and girls are kidnapped and murdered, and the disappearances occur as the police remove sex workers from the downtowns of border cities long famous for prostitution. While these different types of disappearances are not equivalent-to be denied access to public space is not the same as to be kidnapped and murdered-they are knit together through a discourse deployed by the city's political and corporate elites that equates the removal of women from public space with urban development and industrial progress. By combining ethnographic research with discourse analysis, and Marxist with feminist critique, I am following the lead of several geographers who regard discourses as ''sociospatial circuits'' that are productive of urban, economic, and cultural landscapes. This approach allows for an analysis of how the women sex workers' efforts to reappear in public space represents a protest, with potential for creating political alliances with other activists, against those invested in generating value from the disappearance of women across the Ciudad Juarez industrial and urban landscape.

The recent emphasis on emotional geographies has turned critical attention to the connections linking affect and social justice. It is hard to imagine this ‘emotional turn’ in the field without much of the ground having been laid by feminist challenges to epistemology, objectivity, rationality, to the gendering of knowledge and the conceptualization of human embodiment, psychic life, subjectivity, and political agency, all in relation to power so often substantiated around a belief that the public and the private are discrete and oppositional domains necessary for organizing social, economic, and political life. In this report, I address the following questions. How can feminist and emotional geography tighten their connections, fuel their shared passions and generate a synergy of scholarship oriented toward activism and progressive change? How can geographies of feeling broaden the path for justice that feminism endeavors to plow? In doing so, I continue my emphasis on research that grounds theoretical discussion with research conducted in activist projects conducted in the name of social justice. I do so as a matter of my own emotional investments — I firmly believe that scholarship must engage with the ways in which people beyond the academy wrestle with the concepts in their daily lives that scholars contemplate, sharpen, and circulate through academic production. So the debates that we scholars so often have with ourselves over the finer points of theory reveal, in my view, their greater significance when they provide tools useful for people who seek to create kinder and more compassionate worlds. Thus, I highlight the scholarship that creates toolkits out of feminist scholarship, emotional geographies, and research on social justice.