SUMMARY Kes1, and other oxysterol binding protein (OSBP) superfamily members, are involved in membrane and lipid trafficking through trans-Golgi network (TGN) and endosomal systems. We demonstrate that Kes1 represents a sterol-regulated antagonist of TGN/endosomal phosphatidylinositol-4-phosphate signaling. This regulation modulates TOR activation by amino acids, and dampens gene expression driven by Gcn4; the primary transcriptional activator of the general amino acid control regulon. Kes1-mediated repression of Gcn4 transcription factor activity is characterized by nonproductive Gcn4 binding to its target sequences, involves TGN/endosome-derived sphingolipid signaling, and requires activity of the cyclin-dependent kinase 8 (CDK8) module of the enigmatic ‘large Mediator’ complex. These data describe a pathway by which Kes1 integrates lipid metabolism with TORC1 signaling and nitrogen sensing.

Information about interlocutor identity is pragmatic in nature and has traditionally been distinguished from explicitly coded linguistic information, including mophosyntax. Study of speaker identity in language processing has questioned this distinction, but addressee identity has been less considered. We used Basque to explore how addressee identity is processed during morphosyntactic analysis. In the familiar register hika, Basque has obligatory allocutive agreement, where verbal morphology represents the gender of a non-argument addressee. We manipulated the gender of the allocutive verb and the congruence of addressee gender in conversations between two interlocutors. Items with person agreement manipulations were included as a control comparison. Basque speakers familiar with hika completed speeded acceptability judgments and unspeeded, offline naturalness ratings for each conversation. Results showed a main effect of addressee identity congruence for naturalness ratings, but there was no main effect for addressee identity congruence for reaction times or accuracy in the acceptability judgment. Interactions and correlations with biographical data showed that the effect of congruence was modulated by the gender of the allocutive verb and that hika proficiency was related to participants' performance for the acceptability judgment. These results show an interaction between morphosyntactic and pragmatic information and are the first experimental data of allocutive processing. In comparison, clear effects were seen for the person agreement condition, indicating that person disagreement is more disruptive to processing than addressee identity incongruence. This study has implications for investigation of the role of extralinguistic information in morphosyntactic processing, and suggests that not all such information plays an equal role.

Previous studies of word segmentation in a second language have yielded equivocal results. This is not surprising given the differences in the bilingual experience and proficiency of the participants and the varied experimental designs that have been used. The present study tried to account for a number of relevant variables to determine if bilingual listeners are able to use native-like word segmentation strategies. Here, 61 French-English bilingual adults who varied in L1 (French or English) and language dominance took part in an audiovisual integration task while event-related brain potentials (ERPs) were recorded. Participants listened to sentences built around ambiguous syllable strings (which could be disambiguated based on different word segmentation patterns), during which an illustration was presented on screen. Participants were asked to determine if the illustration was related to the heard utterance or not. Each participant listened to both English and French utterances, providing segmentation patterns that included both their native language (used as reference) and their L2. Interestingly, different patterns of results were observed in the event-related potentials (online) and behavioral (offline) results, suggesting that L2 participants showed signs of being able to adapt their segmentation strategies to the specifics of the L2 (online ERP results), but that the extent of the adaptation varied as a function of listeners' language experience (offline behavioral results).

The effects of musicality and language background on cue integration in pitch perception

Experimental evidence suggests that speaker and addressee quickly adapt to each other from the earliest moments of sentence processing, and that interlocutor‐related information is rapidly integrated with other sources of nonpragmatic information (e.g., semantic, morphosyntactic, etc.). These findings have been taken as support for one‐step models of sentence comprehension. The results from the present event‐related potential study challenge this theoretical framework providing a case where discourse level information is integrated only at a late stage of processing, when morphosyntactic analysis has been already initiated. We considered the case of Basque allocutive agreement, where information about addressee gender is encoded in verbal inflection. Two different types of Basque grammatical violations were presented together with the corresponding control conditions: one could be detected based on a morphosyntactic mismatch (person agreement violation), while the other could be detected only if the addressee's gender was considered (allocutive violation). Morphosyntactic violations elicited greater N400 effects followed by P600 effects, while allocutive violations elicited only P600 effects. These results provide new constraints to one‐step accounts as they represent a case where speakers do not immediately adjust to the addressee's perspective. We propose that the relevance of discourse‐level information might be a crucial variable to reconcile the dichotomy between one‐ and two‐step models.

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Adapting one's production of prosodic cues to a second or non-dominant language can be difficult. The present study focuses on French-English bilinguals' ability to adapt their prosody to coordinate phrase-final lengthening and lexical stress. Because French has no lexically-coded prosody, it might be difficult for Frenchdominant speakers to simultaneously control lexical and phrasal prosodic cues. Our preliminary results demonstrate that not only the speaker's L1, but the relative dominance of one language over another can predict speakers' ability to adapt prosody to the specific demands of different languages, at least with respect to controlling syllable duration. These findings are in line with recent results showing that native French listeners do not process lexical stress automatically, instead relying on alternative perceptual mechanisms.

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