Objective Public and patient involvement is increasingly embedded as a core activity in research funding calls and best practice guidelines. However, there is recognition of the challenges that prevail to achieve genuine and equitable forms of engagement. Our objective was to identify the mechanisms and resources that enable the reciprocal involvement of seldom heard groups in health and social care research. Methods A rapid realist review of the literature that included: (a) a systematic search of CINAHL, PsycINFO, PubMed and Open Grey (2007‐2017); (b) documents provided by expert panel members of relevant journals and grey literature. Six reference panels were undertaken with homeless, women's, transgender, disability and Traveller and Roma organizations to capture local insights. Data were extracted into a theory‐based grid linking context to behaviour change policy categories. Main results From the review, 20 documents were identified and combined with the reference panel summaries. The expert panel reached consensus about 33 programme theories. These relate to environmental and social planning (7); service provision (6); guidelines (4); fiscal measures (6); communication and marketing (4); and regulation and legislation (6). Conclusions While there is growing evidence of the merits of undertaking PPI, this rarely extends to the meaningful involvement of seldom heard groups. The 33 programme theories agreed by the expert panel point to a variety of mechanisms and resources that need to be considered. Many of the programme theories identified point to the need for a radical shift in current practice to enable the reciprocal involvement of seldom heard groups.

This paper presents a study of the Irish experience of EU cohesion policy, with a view to exploring what the Irish case can tell us about the conditionality of state’s adaptation to EU policy values and practice. Using Bache’s (2008) framework for the analysis of Europeanization, Multi-Level Governance and Cohesion policy, the paper finds that Europeanization has resulted in a reorientation of domestic policies, practices and preferences in the Irish case, but the consequence has been the creation of Multi-Level Governance Type II not I (Börzel and Risse, 2003). The governance changes that have occurred have been ad hoc and messy, and central government’s response to them has been short-termist and financially expedient. This raises concerns about the sustainability of knowledge transfer impacts from Irish Multi-Level Governance and partnership projects within the formal system of Irish government. More generally, it suggests that if the desired impacts of EU Cohesion policy are to be sustainable in the longer-term, more attention needs to be given to effectively measuring and explaining EU policy influence, so that we might begin to understand how it can be supported and sustained in a variety of state contexts.

EnglishThis article examines the evolution of Irish development policy, suggesting that it illustrates significant changes in government at both national and sub-national level. It is argued that pressures for change have arisen both beyond and below the national level of administration, as a result of reforms to Structural Funding at the European Union level and the growth of community initiatives at sub-national level.The chief consequence has been a redefinition of development policy which has impacted upon the structure of government, as well as the substance and style of policy delivery. Irish development policy now embraces social as well as economic policy objectives, and its implementation relies on the cooption into the policy arena of new actors and agencies, representing different interests in the development process. As a consequence, the design and direction of development policy now places greater emphasis on increased negotiation, partnership and subsidiarity. The extent of the change is characterised as a move towards governance in Ireland, and by doing so, the work seeks to develop the use of this term in a comparative context. Fran~sCet article examine I'evolution de la politique de developpement irlandaise et suggere qu'elle montre d'importants changements chez Ie gouvernement sur un plan national et sous-national. L'on dit que la demande pour la reforme vient d'au-dela du niveau national de I'administration aussi bien que d'endessous de ce niveau, suite aux reformes dans fes fonds structures au niveau europeen et a fa croissance des initiatives communautaires au niveau sous-national. La consequence principale a ete la redefinition de la politique de developpement qui a eu une impacte sur la structure du gouvernmement, tout comme sur I'essentiel et Ie style de I'execution de la politique. La politique de developpement irlandaise comprend a present des objectifs de politique economique et son implimentation depend du recrutement dans I'arene de la politique de nouveaux acteurs et d'agences representant des interets differents dans Ie processus de developpement. Par consequence, la creation et I'orientation de la politique de developpement appuie a present davantage sur la negociation,le partenariat et la subsidiarite. La mesure du changement est caracterisee comme un pas vers la gouvernance en Irlande, et en ce faisant, Ie travail cherche a developper I'usage de ce terme dans un contexte comparatif. EspaiiolEste artIculo exam ina la evoluci6n de la poHtica de desarrollo Irlandesa, sugiriendo que esta evidencia cambios signjfjcativos en el gobierno tanto a nivel nacional como sub-nacional. Se arguye que han aparecido presiones para un cambio mas alia y por debajo del nivel administrativo, como resultado de reformas de financiaci6n estructural a nivel de la Uni6n Europea y de iniciativas para el crecimiento de la comunidad a nivel sub-nacional. La consecuencia principal de este doble proceso ha sido una redefinic6n de la poHtica de desarrollo que ha ejercido una influencia importante tanto en la e...

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In order to examine institutional change in Republic of Ireland (hereinafter referred to as ‘Ireland’ or ‘the Irish case’) as a consequence of European integration, this article looks at the adaptation of national institutions subsequent to EU membership. A new institutionalist approach is taken towards the definition and discussion of institutions in order that the analysis may encompass the broadest range of changes consequent to EU membership: in relation to national structures; decision‐making patterns; socialization processes; and overall ‘system change’. The analysis uses the organizing concepts offered by Bulmer and Burch (1998) in their evaluation of the impact of Europeanization on national systems of public administration in Britain. According to this framework, ‘institutions can be analysed in terms of four gradations moving from the formal, through the informal, to the normative and cultural’ (Bulmer and Burch 1998, p. 604).

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We examined the relation of two acculturation stressors, exclusion from ordinary privileges and overt discrimination, to two indicators of psychological well-being (i.e., psychiatric symptoms and satisfaction with life) among a diverse sample of immigrant women living in Ireland (N ¼ 174). We grouped our sample into "visible" immigrant women of color and "nonvisible" White immigrant women. As expected, visible immigrant women reported more experiences of overt discrimination and fewer experiences of ordinary privileges than did nonvisible immigrant women. The associations of belonging to a visible immigrant group with both psychiatric symptoms and satisfaction with life were each mediated through ordinary privileges and overt discrimination. The magnitude of the two indirect effects was equal for psychiatric symptoms, but for satisfaction with life, the indirect effect through ordinary privileges was stronger. After accounting for ordinary privileges and overt discrimination, the average score for satisfaction with life was higher for visible immigrant women than for nonvisible immigrant women. These findings suggest that visible immigrant women experience exclusion from ordinary privileges to a greater extent than nonvisible immigrant women and that this type of exclusion is at least as detrimental to psychological health as more overt forms of discrimination. Our findings demonstrate the importance of attending to discrimination of both visible and nonvisible immigrants and highlight the importance of ordinary privileges to immigrants' well-being in their countries of destination. We discuss implications for future research and social policy.