A growing body of research documents the inequitable impact of environmental hazards on poor and minority communities. This paper uses the United States Environmental Protection Agency's Toxic Release Inventory for 1987–1990 and the 1990 Census of Population and Housing to analyze the spatial distribution of toxic industrial pollution and demographic groups in Ohio. In apparent support of the previous body of research, we report high correlations between racial variables and level of toxic release at the county level. The highest levels of toxic release in Ohio occur in the state's most urban counties, fourteen of which contain approximately 90 percent of the state's minority population. However, a census‐tract examination of the most urban of these counties, Cuyahoga, reveals no relationships between race and toxicity. The tract‐level data do provide some evidence of income‐environment inequity, and these findings prompt several methodological advisories for further research. The principal conclusion of the paper is that spatial scale is critical in studies of industrial environmental hazards and environmental justice.
Across the country, urban leaders are developing arts-focused urban policy, but much remains unknown about artists' geography-particularly in contracting, rustbelt cities. Using Cuyahoga County, Ohio, this article describes the geography of artists and explores methodologies for predicting artist-concentrated neighborhoods. The research questions if, and how, scholars can predict artist neighborhoods and design policies to support and nurture these locations. It maps and analyzes existing patterns using survey, property, and Census data, and predicts artist-friendly neighborhoods via a regression model. The analysis reveals neighborhoods' residual capacity for artists and directs initial policy recommendations for an artist-focused vacant land reutilization initiative. For scholars, the findings contribute to a rapidly growing body of literature about the relationship between artists, neighborhood revitalization, and urban policy. For practitioners, the research investigates one strategy for shaping land policy in the post-2008 housing market.Across the country, city leaders, urban planners, and others are developing urban policy targeting artists and the arts. In planning practice and scholarship, artists and their role in revitalizing cities is a "hot topic." At the same time, much is still unknown about artists as a unique population group (if they are even a unique group), their residential and workplace geography, their preferences for housing and work space, and the ability to design policies that reinforce and promote artist neighborhoods. Much of the existing literature on the subject emphasizes booming, large cities, while neglecting moderate-sized, contracting, rust belt locations. This is despite the fact that these cities are also energetically turning to the arts and artists as one avenue of hope after decades of disinvestment.
BackgroundThe physician assistant (PA) profession is a nationally recognized medical profession in the United States of America (USA). However, relatively little is known regarding national trends of the PA workforce.MethodsWe examined the 1980-2007 USA Census data to determine the demographic distribution of the PA workforce and PA-to-population relationships. Maps were developed to provide graphical display of the data. All analyses were adjusted for the complex census design and analytical weights provided by the Census Bureau.ResultsIn 1980 there were about 29 120 PAs, 64% of which were males. By contrast, in 2007 there were approximately 97 721 PAs with more than 66% of females. In 1980, Nevada had the highest estimated rate of 40 PAs per 100 000 persons, and North Dakota had the lowest rate (three). The corresponding rates in 2007 were about 85 in New Hampshire and ten in Mississippi. The levels of PA education have increased from less than 21% of PAs with four or more years of college in 1980, to more than 65% in 2007. While less than 17% of PAs were of minority groups in 1980, this figure rose to 23% in 2007. Although nearly 70% of PAs were younger than 35 years old in 1980, this percentage fell to 38% in 2007.ConclusionThe trends of sustained increase and geographic variation in the PA workforce were identified. Educational level, percentage of minority, and age of the PA workforce have increased over time. Major causes of the changes in the PA workforce include educational factors and federal legislation or state regulation.
Public policy and planning decisions require glimpses into the future, to assess how the social-ecological systems we plan for might evolve with or without policy intervention. To do so, one approach gaining currency is using anticipatory tools rather than predictions. Anticipation entails generating a range of possible systems futures (scenarios), instead of attempting to predict the one that will prevail. We use here a scenario-generating model, to anticipate where in a region businesses are likely to locate in time. Using data for Northeast Ohio, including the Cleveland-Akron-Lorain-Elyria, Ohio Combined Statistical Area, we estimate the model parameters. We evaluate its prediction accuracy against 2001-2015 regional data. To illustrate how policymakers could use the model, we generate three scenarios to explore what might happen to the spatial configuration of businesses if policies were implemented to attract businesses at specific locations or discourage them from locating in parts of the region.
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