Abstract. The B € AREN vowel in German is known to be subject to extensive variation, including, for some speakers, a merger with the BEEREN vowel. This article investigates the behaviour of the B € AREN and BEEREN vowels in Standard German in Switzerland and Austria. We observe an ongoing merger in Swiss Standard German but an ongoing reversal of such a merger in Austrian Standard German. Independent evidence shows that both varieties (Swiss and Austrian German) accommodate toward the prestige variety in northern Germany. This presents a kind of paradox: why should merger and reversal occur side by side? We attribute these opposite tendencies of merger and reversal to perceptual salience. In the prestige variety, much variation between these two vowels occurs, so Swiss and Austrian speakers are exposed to variable input for both vowels. This paper argues that the vowel that is different from the own variety is perceptually most salient and therefore accommodated to. As for the Swiss speakers, the merger of the B € AREN and the BEEREN vowel is unexpected, therefore salient, hence accommodated to. As for the Austrian speakers, the distinction between the B € AREN and the BEEREN vowel is unexpected, therefore salient, and accommodated to. This leads to the observed, opposite, patterns of change.
In language change, a reversal of a merger is generally considered to be impossible, since after two sounds have become fully merged, they are no longer distinct, so no phonetic or phonological cues exist that could reverse this process. This article investigates such an 'impossible' merger reversal: the split of the Bären vowel (orthographically represented by <ä> or <äh>) and the Beeren vowel (orthographically represented by
Beeren and Bären are usually regarded to be merged. Some acoustic studies on ASG also suggest a merger between the vowels as in Miete and Mitte and even between the BEEREN/BÄREN merger and the MIETE vowel. This paper re-investigates these mergers from a sociolinguistic viewpoint and shows that older speakers tend to merge the vowels more than younger speakers. This points towards an ongoing dispersion (or 'unmerger') and we argue that this is a result of accommodation toward Standard German as it is pronounced in Germany.
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