No abstract

No abstract

How do the international rules of 'work' and 'economic activity' treat 'occupation'? What 'work' is constantly absent from the database for determining public resource allocations and investments? What occupies those whose work is unpaid? Is this work visible in Occupational Science research? What are the implications for 'overoccupation' in a human rights context? Are there opportunities for political economists and occupational scientists to work together on these issues? KEYWORDS occupation and human rights; over-occupation; family carers Introducing political economy and occupation Thank you for the honour of the invitation to address you today. My discipline background is in political economy and public policy, my research is feminist, and for the last forty years, it has had a human rights focus. For occupational therapists, this address begins with a segue, a short introduction to a major feature of economics: its treatment of 'occupation'. I move to a discussion of synergies between my work and yours, in the environment of human rights, with a case study on the caregivers of those with HIV and AIDS using a capability framework. I describe my own experience of managing the care of a terminally ill family member, and what I learned from this. I conclude with the exploitation of women's unpaid care work. My work in economics (Waring, 1988, 1999) has focused on the United Nations System of National Accounts (UNSNA). You will be familiar with the term GDP, and these growth

No abstract

No abstract

No abstract

INTRODUCTION: Advanced technology in medical and pharmacology has increased surgical survival rates for transplant recipients. Therefore, post-transplant care is critical and tightly connected with key focuses on the recipient’s quality of life (QOL). Post-transplant QOL is multifaceted,  encompassing morbidity and personal, social, familial and environmental support for recipients. Post-liver transplantation recovery extends well beyond returning home.METHOD: Building on Wainwright’s research  (Wainwright, 2011a, 2011b; Wainwright, Jülich, Waring, Yeung, Green, 2016), herself a liver transplant recipient, this article reports transplant recipients’ perceptions and experiences after the first three years and discusses how they re-established function in everyday life as they adapted to their new normal to achieve QOL. The research employed interpretive description to interview transcripts and field-notes of 17 liver transplant recipients. Data were evaluated according to inductive thematic analysis. Eschewing the health-related QOL measure for its rigidity and lack of qualitative data, this research captured the lived experiences of liver transplant recipients unlike clinically  focused studies.FINDINGS: The results showed that, although transplantation can make positive changes in their lives, recipients continued to be influenced subtly by illness which can alter their re-conceptualisation and re-definition of QOL and normalcy. The success of a liver transplant does not depend only on the physical care given; to the recipients as the spectre of future ill health and transplant failure continue to be perceived as a constant risks. Ongoing support from family, friends, and healthcare professionals are none-the-less fundamental in the post-transplantation journey.

No abstract