As global deaths from COVID-19 continue to rise, the world’s governments, institutions, and agencies are still working toward an understanding of who is most at risk of death. In this study, data on all recorded COVID-19 deaths in Sweden up to May 7, 2020 are linked to high-quality and accurate individual-level background data from administrative registers of the total population. By means of individual-level survival analysis we demonstrate that being male, having less individual income, lower education, not being married all independently predict a higher risk of death from COVID-19 and from all other causes of death. Being an immigrant from a low- or middle-income country predicts higher risk of death from COVID-19 but not for all other causes of death. The main message of this work is that the interaction of the virus causing COVID-19 and its social environment exerts an unequal burden on the most disadvantaged members of society.

Background Housing characteristics and neighbourhood context are considered risk factors for COVID-19 mortality among older adults. The aim of this study was to investigate how individual-level housing and neighbourhood characteristics are associated with COVID-19 mortality in older adults. Methods For this population-based, observational study, we used data from the cause-of-death register held by the Swedish National Board of Health and Welfare to identify recorded COVID-19 mortality and mortality from other causes among individuals (aged ≥70 years) in Stockholm county, Sweden, between March 12 and May 8, 2020. This information was linked to population-register data from December, 2019, including socioeconomic, demographic, and residential characteristics. We ran Cox proportional hazards regressions for the risk of dying from COVID-19 and from all other causes. The independent variables were area (m 2 ) per individual in the household, the age structure of the household, type of housing, confirmed cases of COVID-19 in the borough, and neighbourhood population density. All models were adjusted for individual age, sex, country of birth, income, and education. Findings Of 279 961 individuals identified to be aged 70 years or older on March 12, 2020, and residing in Stockholm in December, 2019, 274 712 met the eligibility criteria and were included in the study population. Between March 12 and May 8, 2020, 3386 deaths occurred, of which 1301 were reported as COVID-19 deaths. In fully adjusted models, household and neighbourhood characteristics were independently associated with COVID-19 mortality among older adults. Compared with living in a household with individuals aged 66 years or older, living with someone of working age (<66 years) was associated with increased COVID-19 mortality (hazard ratio 1·6; 95% CI 1·3–2·0). Living in a care home was associated with an increased risk of COVID-19 mortality (4·1; 3·5–4·9) compared with living in independent housing. Living in neighbourhoods with the highest population density (≥5000 individuals per km 2 ) was associated with higher COVID-19 mortality (1·7; 1·1–2·4) compared with living in the least densely populated neighbourhoods (0 to <150 individuals per km 2 ). Interpretation Close exposure to working-age household members and neighbours is associated with increased COVID-19 mortality among older adults. Similarly, living in a care home is associated with increased mortality, potentially through exposure to visitors and care workers, but also due to poor underlying health among care-home residents. These factors should be considered when developing strategies to protect this group. Funding Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and Welfare (FORTE), Swedish Foundation for Humanities and Social Sciences.

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Preliminary evidence points to higher morbidity and mortality of COVID-19 in certain racial and ethnic groups but population-based studies using micro-level data are so far lacking. A register-based cohort including all adults living in Stockholm, Sweden (n=1,778,670) between January 31st (date of first confirmed case of COVID-19) and May 4th 2020 was utilized. Poisson regressions with region/country of birth as exposure and underlying cause of death by COVID-19 as outcome was performed, estimating relative risks (RR) and confidence intervals (CI). Migrants from Middle-Eastern countries (RR 3.2, 95% CI: 2.6-3.8), Africa (RR 3.0, 95% CI: 2.2-4.3) and the Nordic countries (RR 1.5, 95% CI: 1.2-1.8) had higher mortality in COVID-19 when compared to Swedish born. Especially high mortality risks from COVID-19 was found among individuals born in Somalia, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Iran and Iraq. Socioeconomic status, number of working age household members and neighborhood population density attenuated up to half of the increased COVID-19 mortality risks among foreign born. Disadvantaged socioeconomic and living conditions may increase infection rates in migrants and contribute to their higher COVID-19 mortality risk.

The lack of couple-level data hinders direct exploration of how inconsistencies in couples' housework reports structure their relationship quality. We address this limitation by applying Swedish data from the 2009 Young Adult Panel Study (N = 1057 couples) matched with Swedish register data (2009-2014) to extend equity theory by estimating mismatch in couples' housework reports on relationship satisfaction and stability. We find women who report performing more housework are less likely to be satisfied with their relationships, and are more likely to consider breaking up. These unions are also more likely to dissolve. Using both partners' housework reports, we document discrediting women's housework contribution, or reporting she does less than she reports, is associated with lower relationship satisfaction. Women in these partnerships also consider breaking up, and the unions are more likely to dissolve. Our results identify the gendered impact of housework inequality on relationship stability.

Although the migration of couples and families is well examined, the migration that occurs at the start of co-residence has only been minimally studied. This study examines (1) whether women move more often and move over longer distances at the start of co-residence and (2) whether gender differences (if any) stem from compositional differences between women and men, such as gender differences in ties, or if they are the consequence of the within-couple distribution of bargaining power. The analyses are performed on Swedish population register data from 1991 to 2008, including longitudinal information on the residence of all couples who either married or had a child as cohabitants in 2008, backtracking them to the year of union formation. The results indicate that women are more prone to move for the sake of their male partner in the process of union formation than vice versa. If partners lived in close proximity prior to co-residence, the woman's increased likelihood of moving and longer distance moved is nearly completely explained by power imbalances in the couple. Gender differences in ties only have minor importance in explaining gender differences in these types of migration patterns. If partners lived far apart prior to co-residence, gender differences are particularly pronounced. These differences remain after adjusting for the two partners' relative resources. We contribute to the family migration literature by suggesting that women's higher propensity to move and their longer distance moved -018-9490-4 are indications that even couples' decisions at the start of co-residence are made in favour of the man's career.

No study to date has assessed the role of occupations in workers' COVID-19 mortality when adjusted for compositional differences or assessed secondary risks of occupations for cohabiting elderly. Public health responses can be better targeted if we know whether and how work contexts contribute to mortality differentials or whether traditional risk factors operate independently of occupational exposure to coronavirus.

People with high education are more geographically mobile than people with lower education. Further, highly educated men are more mobile than highly educated women, and the man's education affects couples' migration propensities more than the woman's. This study examines whether the reasons for the higher migration propensities among highly educated people are the occupational characteristics and income commonly associated with high education. Further, the study examines whether the reason for the asymmetric effect of men's education relative to women's is that these occupational characteristics and income are unevenly distributed between men and women with similar educational levels. I studied dual-earner couples, with common children, residing in Sweden in 1997-2006. Results from logistic regressions indicate that both men's and women's education are positively related to couples' migration propensities, and that men's education has a larger impact on migration than women's, before adjusting for income and occupational characteristics. A substantial portion of the increased risk of migration among highly educated people can be attributed to income and occupational characteristics. Also, to a large extent, the differential effects of men's and women's education can be explained by the different types of occupations held by men and women within the same educational level, as well as by gender differences in monetary returns from education. When adjusting for these differences, only very minor gender differences in the effect of education remain. Despite theories on gender ideology, which implies men's attributes would dominate migration decisions, occupational characteristics have similar effects for men and women. Copyright