U.S. immigrants have faced a changing landscape with regard to immigration enforcement over the last two decades. Following the passage of the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996, and the creation of the Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agency after the attacks of September 11, 2001, detention and deportation activity increased substantially. As a result, immigrants today are experiencing heightened fear of profiling and deportation. Little research exists on how these activities affect the health and well-being of U.S. immigrant communities. This study sought to address this gap by using community-based participatory research to investigate the impact of enhanced immigration enforcement on immigrant health in Everett, Massachusetts, USA, a city with a large and diverse immigrant population. Community partners and researchers conducted 6 focus groups with 52 immigrant participants (documented and undocumented) in five languages in May 2009. The major themes across the groups included: 1) Fear of deportation, 2) Fear of collaboration between local law enforcement and ICE and perception of arbitrariness on the part of the former and 3) Concerns about not being able to furnish documentation required to apply for insurance and for health care. Documented and undocumented immigrants reported high levels of stress due to deportation fear, which affected their emotional well-being and their access to health services. Recommendations from the focus groups included improving relationships between immigrants and local police, educating immigrants on their rights and responsibilities as residents, and holding sessions to improve civic engagement. Immigration enforcement activities and the resulting deportation fear are contextual factors that undermine trust in community institutions and social capital, with implications for health and effective integration processes. These factors should be considered by any community seeking to improve the integration process.

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In this article we outline the framework our consultation-liaison team has developed for interviewing families whose children present with medically unexplained symptoms. The framework was developed over many years in the context of our work with a large number of families, who collectively taught us to be more sensitive with regard to the experience of such families in the medical system, and who reacted strongly when we moved prematurely to the use of psychological language or to questions about family relationships or emotional functioning. Throughout the interview we maintain a focus on the body: the family history of illness and, in particular, the story of the child's symptoms. We take a detailed, temporally ordered history of the symptom and ask for collateral information - family illness, family life events, events at school, family emotional responses - all in relation to the story of the symptoms. In the assessment interview and in our work in general, we focus on the body. We move very carefully and very slowly from the physical to the psychological, from talking about the body to talking about relationships and about the mind.

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The management of pervasive refusal syndrome illustrates the practical application of hope promoting principles in clinical work. It involves a multidisciplinary team approach and a structured yet flexible management plan with a clear rationale employed over months to years. This article details the components of such a plan, including nursing management, physiotherapy, individual and family therapy. Pre-admission expectations, the necessary assessments on admission, and the establishment of management goals are also discussed. The issue of consent is elaborated, emphasizing the problematic role that refusal plays. Steps to ensure the child's survival and optimal development are outlined. Specific problem behaviours in the child and the family are described, and the need for adequate support within the treatment team to deal with these problems is considered. Attitudes that facilitate staff survival of the long haul of treating these children are described. Despite the difficulties, however, the typically favourable outcome of treatment is reported. The high cost, in terms of money and morale, means that more efficient management plans need to be developed.

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Despite the demonstrated need for sustainable and effective carceral health care, justice-involved medical education curricula are limited, and it’s unclear if informal clinical education is sufficient. Investigators aimed to quantify medical student involvement with carceral populations and explore how students’ knowledge of and attitudes towards justice-involved patients changed over the course of their training. A survey was designed by the investigators and sent to all current medical students at a single United States medical school. Stata 14.0 was used to compare results between the years of medical school. Differences between groups were tested using linear regression. Most 4th year students reported working in a carceral health setting. An increase in overall knowledge of justice-involved patients was observed as carceral medicine education (ptrend = 0.02), hours worked in a jail (ptrend < 0.01), and substance abuse training (ptrend < 0.01) increased. Overall attitude score increased with the students’ reported number of hours working in a jail (ptrend < 0.01) and the amount of substance abuse training (ptrend < 0.01). Finally, we found a trend of increasing knowledge and attitude scores as the year of standing increased (ptrend < 0.01). Our data suggest that most USC medical students work in a carceral setting during medical school. Didactic and experiential learning opportunities correlated with improved knowledge of and attitude toward justice-involved patients, with increases in both metrics increasing as the year in medical school increased. However, senior medical students still scored poorly. These findings underscore the need for a formal curriculum to train our healthcare workforce in health equity for carceral populations.

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