No abstract
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.Agriculture in the arid and semi-arid regions that comprise much of present-day Peru, Bolivia, and Northern Chile is heavily dependent on irrigation; however, obtaining a dependable water supply in these areas is often difficult. The precolumbian peoples ofAndean South America adapted to this situation by devising many strategies for transporting, storing, and retrieving water to insure consistent supply. Ipropose that the "elaborated springs " found at several Inka sites near Cuzco, Peru, are the visible expression of a simple and effective system of groundwater control and storage. I call this system "geologic water storage" because the water is stored in the pore spaces of sands, soils, and other near-surface geologic materials. I present two examples of sites in the Cuzco area that use this technology (Tambomachay and Tipon) and discuss the potentialfor identification of similar systems developed by other ancient Latin American cultures.La agricultura en las regiones dridas y semi-aridas que comprenden grandes partes de Perui, Bolivia y el norte de Chile depende en gran medida de la irrigacidn. Sin embargo en estas areas muchas veces es dificil encontrar unafuente confiable de agua. Durante los tiempos precolombianos los pueblos andinos de America del Sur se adaptaron a esta situacion usando diversas estrategias para obtener, transportar y almacenar agua con elfin de asegurar un suministro constante delfluido. En este trabajo sugiero que los "manantiales decorados" encontrados en varios sitios inkas cercanos a Cuzco, Peru, son la expresion visible de un sistema simple y efectivo de control y almacenamiento de aguas subterrdneas. A este sistema lo llamo "almacenamiento geol6gico de agua " porque el agua es almacenada en los poros de arenas, suelos y otros materiales geologicos cercanos a la superficie. Se describen dos sitios arqueol6gicos, Tambomachay y Tip6n, donde se utiliz6 este sistema de almacenamiento. Se debate ademas si sistemas similares fueron usados por otras culturas antiguas de la America latina. prings, fountains, rivers, and water in general played an important role in Inca architecture and beliefs. Water-related construction in Inca settlements is ubiquitous.MacLean (1986) listed water first in her assessment of natural features acknowledged in Inka landscape planning, and 89 of the 261 natural features listed as shrines and sacred places by Bernabe Cobo, a Jesuit chronicler of the early seventeenth century, are water related (Niles 1987:173). The ability to store and distribute goods, including water, contributed to the Inka's ability to maintain an empire.In much of southern Peru, precipitation occurs primarily during the rainy season (generally between Novemb...
Sometime in the early 17th century, at Magdalena de Cao, a community of resettled native peoples in the Chicama Valley on the North Coast of Peru, a Spaniard used the back of a letter to jot down the terms for numbers in a local language. Four hundred years later, the authors of this article were able to recover and study this piece of paper. We present information on this otherwise unknown language, on numeracy, and on cultural relations of ethnolinguistic groups in pre-and early-post-Conquest northern Peru. Our investigations have determined that, while several of the Magadalena number terms were likely borrowed from a Quechuan language, the remainder record a decimal number system in an otherwise unknown language. Historical sources of the region mention at least two potential candidate languages, Pescadora and Quingnam; however, because neither is documented beyond its name, a definite connection remains impossible to establish.RESUMEN En los inicios del siglo diecisiete, en el sitio de Magdalena de Cao, una comunidad de indígenas reducidos en el valle de Chicama en la costa norte del Perú, un español usó el reverso de una carta para anotar las palabras que traducían números en un idioma local. Cuatrocientos años después, la carta fue recuperada y estudiada por los autores de este artículo. Presentamos información acerca de este idioma desconocido, tanto como sobre los conceptos numéricos, y sobre las relaciones culturales de grupos etnolinguísticos en la costa norte del Perú antes y después de la conquista español. Nuestras investigaciones habían determinado que, mientras algunas de las palabras numéricas son probablemente prestadas de un idioma quechua, los demás vienen de un sistema numérico decimal de un idioma hasta ahora desconocido. Las fuentes históricas en la región mencionan al menos dos idiomas como candidatos potenciales, o sea Pescadora y Quingnam, pero como no sabemos sino esos dos nombres, es imposible identificar a que idiomas pertenecieron. THE DISCOVERY AND ITS CONTEXTS
Advances in hieroglyphic decipherment and in language contact typology provide new data and theories with which to investigate and reassess prior interpretations of Mayan linguistic history. The present study considers the shift from proto-Mayan *k and *k' to /ch/ and /ch'/, a sound change that affected several Mayan languages in different phonological contexts. This sound change, with a very particular set of conditions, has been highlighted as a defining feature of the Cholan-Tseltalan branch of the Mayan language family. New evidence suggests that this sound change was shared as a result of contact around the time of the Classic period, rather than reflecting an inherited sound change that would have taken place at a much earlier stage of the language family. Hieroglyphic data provide further evidence that this sound change was adopted in the hieroglyphic language in a word-by-word fashion, rather than applying to all similar phonological contexts at the same time.
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