Compared with the large body of literature on coping, coping flexibility has received relatively scant research attention, although more such studies have begun to emerge recently. Researchers have conceptualized coping flexibility in diverse ways: as a broad coping repertoire, a well-balanced coping profile, cross-situational variability in strategy deployment, a good strategy-situation fit, or the perceived ability to cope with environmental changes. This meta-analysis is the first to provide a summary estimate of the overall effect size and investigate cross-study sources of variation in the beneficial role of coping flexibility. The analysis covers all available studies conducted between 1978 and 2013 that empirically tested the relationship between coping flexibility and psychological adjustment. The results of a random-effects model revealed a small to moderate overall mean effect size (r = .23, 95% CI [.19, .28], 80% CRI [-.02, .49], k = 329, N = 58,946). More important, the magnitude of the positive link between coping flexibility and psychological adjustment varied with the conceptualization of such flexibility. Studies adopting the perceived ability or strategy-situation fit conceptualization yielded moderate effect sizes, whereas those adopting the broad repertoire, balanced profile, or cross-situational variability conceptualization yielded small effect sizes. In addition, the positive link between coping flexibility and psychological adjustment was stronger in samples from countries lower (vs. higher) in individualism and samples with higher (vs. lower) average ages. Individualism and age explained 10% and 13% of the variance, respectively. We discuss the conceptual problems and implications and propose a synthesized conceptualization of coping flexibility.

This meta-analysis was conducted to understand the factors underlying effective messages to counter attitudes/beliefs based on misinformation. Because misinformation can lead to poor decisions about consequential matters and is persistent and difficult to correct, debunking it is an important scientific and public policy goal. This meta-analysis (k = 52, N = 6,878) revealed large effects for: presenting misinformation (2.41 ≤ d ≤ 3.08), debunking (1.14 ≤ d ≤ 1.33), and the persistence of misinformation in the face of debunking (0.75 ≤ d ≤ 1.06). Persistence was stronger and the debunking effect was weaker when audiences generated reasons in support of the initial misinformation. A detailed debunking message containing new details of the information currently recommended in various editorial policies, such as Retraction Watch, correlated positively with the debunking effect. Surprisingly, however, a detailed debunking message correlated positively with the misinformation-persistence effect. (141 words)

Integrating more than 40 years of studies on locus of control (LOC), this meta-analysis investigated whether (a) the magnitude of the relationship between LOC and psychological symptoms differed among cultures with distinct individualist orientations and (b) depression and anxiety symptoms yielded different patterns of cultural findings with LOC. We included studies that examined global self-ratings of LOC and at least 1 of the criterion variables in nonclinical samples (age range: 18-80 years). Data were analyzed on the basis of 152 independent samples, representing the testing of 33,224 adults across 18 cultural regions. Results revealed moderately strong relationships for external LOC with depression symptoms (k = 123, N = 28,490, r = .30, 95% confidence interval [CI] [.27, .32]) and anxiety symptoms (k = 65, N = 13,208, r = .30, 95% CI [.27, .33]). Individualism explained 20% of unique variance only in the external LOC-anxiety relationship: The link between external LOC and anxiety symptoms was weaker for collectivist societies (k = 8, N = 2,297, r = .20, 95% CI [.13, .28]) compared with individualist societies (k = 54, N = 9,887, r = .32, 95% CI [.29, .34]). Such cultural differences were attributed to the reduced emphasis on agentic goals in more collectivist societies. It is noteworthy that external LOC does not carry the same negative connotations across cultures, and members of collectivist societies may be more ready to endorse such items. Culture has been examined at the country level, and the findings may not be applicable to any particular person in a cultural region. Implications for integrating cultural meaning of perceived control into formulation of theories, research design, and intervention programs are discussed.

Understanding how media coverage relates to Zika risk perceptions and protective behaviors will help to facilitate effective risk communications by healthcare professionals and providers, particularly when a health risk emerges.

This chapter discusses the definition of attitudes as evaluations, with beliefs, intentions, goals, and behaviors as the psychological building blocks of attitude-relevant processes. These considerations can take place at both the specific level of a single behavior (e.g., smoking) or at the general level of a pattern of behaviors (e.g., multiple behaviors). Classic and contemporary attitude scholarship have provided a theoretical understanding of prediction and change in behavior at both the specific and broad levels of analysis. Personality instruments have contributed to identifying trait associations with specific attitude processes, including structure, functions, and bases, as well as attitude and belief change. Future personality research, however, would benefit from adopting attitude models that clearly distinguish psychological building blocks rather than confound feelings, thoughts, and behaviors as being equivalent or equally close to behavior end points.