COVID-19, and the lockdown requirement, altered our daily lives, including the restructuring of work and socio-familial organisation of millions of people. Through two studies, we explored how workers experienced this period. The first, qualitative study (N = 30) aimed to understand how workers lived through lockdown by identifying the key elements that shaped their experiences. Thematic content analysis revealed four emerging themes: (1) work and socio-health situation in which lockdown was experienced; (2) consequences on work organisation and resources available for change; (3) work–life balance management; and (4) psychosocial consequences and coping with the situation. The second, quantitative study (N = 332) explored the socio-health situation, new work organisation, work–life balance, and psychosocial consequences and coping strategies developed during this period, analysing participants’ differences in terms of gender, working modality (on-site or teleworking) and care responsibilities through ANOVA analysis. Results revealed the non-democratic nature of the pandemic, with differences and similarities according to gender, working modality and having or not having dependents. Results are discussed identifying areas that need to be addressed to ensure the well-being of workers.

This article explores the socio-labor conditions in which people worked during confinement, analyzing the predictors of work-related stress, according to work modality (face-to-face or teleworking), from a holistic and quantitative (N = 328) point of view. To identify predictors of stress, correlational analyses and multiple hierarchical regressions were conducted with individual, organizational, and societal variables. Furthermore, to analyze the possible modulating role of gender, caregiving, and the level of responsibility in organizations in the relationship between predictor variables and work stress, the macro process of Hayes et al. (2017) was used. Our results show that work–family conflict and ruminative thoughts predict stress in both modalities. In teleworking modality, the hours dedicated to work predicted stress, and in face-to-face modality, safety measures and perceived economic threat (tendentially). Being in charge of persons moderated the relationship between ruminative thoughts and economic threat, and stress in face-to-face. Results are discussed by identifying good practices that can improve workplace risk prevention strategies.

ResumenEste artículo analiza qué lugar ocupa la última dictadura militar argentina como acontecimiento histórico en la memoria colectiva (MC) de la población y las representaciones sociales de ésta en base a una muestra de población adulta de Jujuy (N = 452). De los resultados se desprende que la dictadura constituye un hecho central que evoca emociones de impotencia, tristeza y bronca1. Se deslegitima la teoría de los dos demonios o que el golpe fue la respuesta a una situación de guerra entre guerrilleros y Fuerzas Armadas, aun cuando persisten explicaciones legitimadoras entre las personas de derecha y con un bajo nivel de exposición a la violencia. Se detecta la persistencia de explicaciones basadas en la irracionalidad de la violencia, presentes en un porcentaje significativo de la población, principalmente con una ideología de centro y con una afectación secundaria, alertando sobre la importancia de explicar la lógica racional y sistemática de la violencia política. Los análisis clúster confirman que las respuestas cerradas y abiertas convergen en tres tipologías de respuestas y que éstas dependen de las experiencias de victimización y la ideología de las personas. La representación social del genocidio político, responsabiliza más al régimen y menos a las víctimas de la violencia, tiene más carga emocional, y es dominante en la izquierda y entre víc-timas directas, siendo marginal entre las derechas. Palabras clave: Argentina, dictadura militar, memoria colectiva, representaciones sociales. Social representations of the past: Argentine military dictatorship in collective memory Abstract This study is focused on the collective memory (CM) of the Argentine military putsch and the social representations of the past in a sample of adults in Jujuy (N = 452). The military dictatorship and related violence is a central event incollective memory, eliciting helplessness, sadness and anger. Participants did not share the social representation of Two Evils or that the putsch was a justified answer to a war situation between the guerrilla and the Army. However, representations justifying the putsch are shared both by right wing participants and by those not affected by collective violence. Politically centrist and secondary victimised participants explain collective violence through irrationality. Cluster analysis show that free or open answers and closed or rating responses converge on types of responses that are congruently related to proximity to violence and political ideology. Social representation of the dictatorship as genocide, attributes the responsibility to the institutions, not to victims, is associated to negative emotions, and is dominant in left wing participants and among direct victims, being marginal in right wing participants.

Despite the 1991 Ceasefire Agreement, the Kingdom of Morocco has been hampering compliance with United Nations resolutions relating to the fulfillment of the right of self-determination of the Sahrawi people. The whole process has become an endless series of negotiations in a context of constant human rights violations. By means of semistructured interviews (N = 261), this study explores the human rights violations to which the population has been subjected; their impact at the personal, family and community levels; as well as the coping strategies and the need for reparation as expressed by the population. People still living in the Western Sahara were included in this study, as well as others that are in refugee camps. The conclusion is the existence of considerable physical, psychological, and social effects that differ depending on the level of exposure to violence, sex of the respondent, and the place where the victims were, but there is also an important organizational and community resistance in the pursuit of compliance with international law and the population’s right to decide on their own future.

No abstract