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SummaryAs Bangladesh turns 40, improvements in women's wellbeing and increased agency are claimed to be some of the most significant gains in the post-independence era. Various economic and social development indicators show that in the last 20 years, Bangladesh, a poor, Muslim-majority country in the classic patriarchal belt, has made substantial progress in increasing women's access to education and healthcare (including increasing lifeexpectancy), and in improving women's participation in the labour force. The actors implementing such programmes and policies and claiming to promote women's empowerment are numerous, and they occupy a significant position within national political traditions and development discourses. In the 1970s and 1980s development ideas around women's empowerment in Bangladesh were influenced by an overtly instrumentalist logic within the international donor sphere. This led to the women's empowerment agenda being perceived as a donor driven project, which overlooks how domestic actors such as political parties, women's organisations and national NGOs have influenced thinking and action around it. This paper explores how these perceptions and narratives around women's empowerment have evolved in Bangladesh from 2000 to date. It studies the concepts of women's empowerment in public discourse and reviews the meanings and uses of the term by selected women's organisations, donor agencies, political parties and development NGOs. By reviewing the publicly available documents of these organisations, the paper analyses the multiple discourses on women's empowerment, showing the different concepts associated with it and how notions such as power, domains and processes of empowerment are understood by these actors. It also highlights how these different discourses have influenced each other and where they have diverged, with an emphasis on what these divergences mean in terms of advancing women's interests in Bangladesh.

Sohela Nazneen and Maheen Sultan analyze the impact of the NGO-ization process on the structure, autonomy and accountability relations of different types of women's organizations in Bangladesh. They argue that the impact of NGO-ization varies depending on the resources, level of operation and the organizational motives behind adopting the NGO model. The impacts on smaller women's organizations operating at the local level are an expansion of structure, loss of autonomy and a prioritization of accountability towards donors. However, some national-level women's organizations have been able to manage the process through strategically mobilizing resources and prioritizing own agendas, thus retaining their feminist character. At a wider level, the NGO-ization process has led to a blurring of the boundaries between the gender and development agenda and feminist discourses. This blurring of boundaries created opportunities for raising women's rights issues at different levels, but led perhaps to a generational shift in how younger women engage with gender equity issues. Development (2009) 52, 193–199. doi:10.1057/dev.2009.18

There is a strong belief that employment is a crucial avenue for the empowerment of young women, through income, greater autonomy, and bargaining power within the family. However, experiences of workplace sexual harassment undermine these potential gains. This qualitative study among agro-processing factory workers and domestic workers in Uganda and Bangladesh demonstrates that sexual harassment is widespread in both formal and informal workplaces, while domestic workers are particularly vulnerable to its most severe forms.

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By focusing on three different national level women's organisations in Bangladesh, this article looks at how the movements have used different strategies to become an effective voice for women's interests and empowerment at civil society and state levels. The importance of framing their issues in a non-contentious way, building alliances with like-minded groups and the strength of personal networks can be clearly seen. Reaching out to these diverse groups has meant the organisations at times making strategic choices, which allowed the groups to create space and legitimacy for their agenda. Relying on personal networks is shown to carry certain risks for sustainability and their ineffective engagement with political parties can reduce their influence, but ultimately their strategies for mobilising support and building constituencies has gained these organisations greater legitimacy and strength as advocates of women's issues.

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