Noun-Noun compounds (NN) are a concatenation of two nouns that function as a single unit both morphosyntactically and semantically. Two main challenges that a study of NN compounding faces are (i) identifying the implied semantic relations that hold between the nouns and (ii) explaining why NN compounds are or not productive (i.e. not very frequent) and creative (i.e. impromptu creation) in certain languages. Jackendoff (2009, 2016) proposed a model which considers the semantic relation between the head and modifier as established by an external function F(X, Y). Since Spanish NN compounds are not creative, the aim is to demonstrate whether the model can be applied to Spanish, and if so, identify the most productive basic functions. This can help us determine whether the lack of creativity of NN compounds in Spanish is due to a restricted set of productive functions. Our hypothesis is that only those relations that are productive are creative and are able to satisfy the Principle of Generalized Modification (Snyder 2012, 2016) operating at the syntax-semantics interface. The study also provides a comparison with the semantic relations attested in Spanish N-deN constructions (i.e. buque de guerra 'ship of war' = war ship). Since the latter are very productive and creative, I wonder how well our hypothesis would accommodate to the data. The results indicate that few semantic relations are productive which indicates that only those should be used to interpret novel NN compounds satisfying Generalized Modification. N-deNs show a larger amount of functions and although the data falls short to accommodate the hypothesis, impressionistic observations tell us otherwise. Given this asymmetry, our results provide important evidence for blocking effects at the interface: the availability of the NN form blocks the surfacing of the prepositional alternative and viceversa.
Noun-Noun compounds (NN) are a concatenation of two nouns that function as a single unit both morphosyntactically and semantically. One of the main challenges that a study of NN compounding faces is their semantics, and more precisely, identifying the implied semantic relations that hold between the two elements. One of the most recent frameworks that has been proposed to account for the semantic relations between the modifier and head in NN compounds is Jackendoff's (2009, 2016) basic functions model within the Parallel Architecture framework. In this model, a semantic relation between the head and modifier is established by using an external function F (X, Y), which given two nouns N1 and N2 meaning X1 and Y2 respectively, yields the meaning of the compound. Given that Spanish NN compounds are unproductive as opposed to languages like English, the aim is to demonstrate whether the model can be applied to Spanish, and if so, to identify the basic functions that hold in Spanish NNs organizing them in a hierarchy based on their frequency. Exploring these questions does not only have a potential to shed light on questions regarding the cross-linguistic applicability of Jackendoff's system, but can also allow us to determine whether the unproductivity of NN compounds in Spanish correlates with their semantic inflexibility. The study also provides a comparison of the semantic relations present in Spanish NN compounds to those attested in Spanish N de N constructions (i.e. buque de guerra 'ship of war' = war ship). Since the latter constructions are very productive in the language, if semantic flexibility correlates with compounding productivity, they are expected to exhibit a wider range of semantic relations as opposed to NNs. Moreover, if it turns out that N de N constructions can be successfully interpreted by the basic function model, we will have evidence that they should be treated as NN compounds semantically. The results show that the model proposed by Jackendoff can be successfully applied to Spanish. Despite the fact that almost all basic functions are attested in Spanish NN compounds, these functions are not equally frequent or common. In fact, there are significant differences with respect to the productivity of the functions in the language, as it becomes evident once they are arranged on a hierarchy according to their frequency. As for the N de Ns, most of the functions present in NNs are also attested in N de Ns but in a different hierarchical order. Last but not least, taking all the facts discussed in the thesis, it could be argued that semantics is a factor responsible for the peripheral nature of NN compounds in Spanish. Since NN compounds have fewer and less productive basic functions and express fewer semantic relations than alternative N de N construction, it seems that NN compounds are semantically restricted, which could be one reason for their unproductivity. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgments iv Chapter 1: Introduction 1 Chapter 2: Theoretical Background 3 2.1. What is an NN compound: def...
The interpretation of much/many has been argued to be regulated by Uniform Dimensionality (Hackl 2000; Solt 2009): much is underspecified but many encodes cardinality. However, given some data where many denotes ‘volume’, Snyder (2021) proposes the need for Multiform Dimensionality: both much and many are underspecifed. After reviewing the English data, and in light of novel cross-linguistic data, we argue that neither generalization is fully accurate. Instead, following Wellwood (2015, 2018), we argue for an alternative, Abstract Uniform Dimensionality, which we propose to be universal: MUCH always measures cardinality when it scopes over semantically interpretable plural. We derive the universal by proposing that MUCH can occupy different positions in the NP, only one of which has semantic plural in its scope. Variation is thus not semantic, but morpho-syntactic.
Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a Projection Line (PL) (Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This version of antilocality can derive Freezing effects, Huang’s (1982) CED, and their exceptions; and Comp-trace effects and their neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of do-support in matrix subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that should apply to (at least) both A and A’-movement.
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