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It has been proposed that external interfaces are vulnerable to residue optionality, whereas pure syntax and internal interfaces are acquirable in second language (L2) acquisition (Sorace, 2005(Sorace, , 2011Sorace and Filiaci, 2006). The proposal was tested in this article through the interpretation of overt and null embedded arguments in L2 Chinese grammars. The article identifies two types of null elements in Chinese: Ø ziji and Ø topic . Ø ziji is a purely syntactic category, whereas Ø topic is a syntax-discourse interface category. Being a D-pronoun, ta 'he/him' can refer to either the matrix subject or a discourse entity in the embedded argument position. Its interpretation involves lexicon-syntax and syntax-semantics internal interfaces. Results from a picture judgment task showed that external interfaces were acquired as well as pure syntax and internal interfaces, which supports the claims of Ivanov, 2009;Iverson et al., 2008;Kraš, 2008;Rothman, 2007Rothman, , 2009Slabakova and Ivanov, 2011. In addition, Ø topic was acquired at different states in different sentence positions. This supports the claim that interface categories should not be considered holistically (Yuan, 2010). The article further speculates that cross-linguistic influence and the nature of the possible positive evidence may have contributed to the difference here in terms of representation and/or processing.

The current study tests the Interface Hypothesis through forward and backward anaphora in complex sentences with temporal subordinate clauses in highly proficient English-speaking learners' L2 Chinese. Forward anaphora is involved when the overt pronoun ta 'he/she' or a null element appears in the subject position of the main clause, whereas backward anaphora is involved when it is in the subject position of the temporal clause, because the main clause always follows the temporal clause in Chinese. Specifically, the article tests the syntactic and discourse constraints in the interpretation and representation of ta and the null element in complex sentences. Ta is constrained by the syntactic cyclic-c-command condition. Thus it is possible for ta refer to the other sentential subject in forward anaphora, but not in backward anaphora in Chinese. Unlike English, Chinese allows a null element in subject positions of finite subordinate and main clauses. It is proposed in the article that the null element in these positions is a Ø topic , a syntax-discourse interface category. Results from an acceptability judgement task and a picture judgment task indicate that Øtopic at the external interface has been acquired, whereas the cyclic-c-command condition within narrow

We report a study comparing teaching written and spoken Chinese separately to adult learners without prior knowledge of Chinese in the traditional classroom setting and in the online format. The best way of introducing Chinese characters remains one of the major challenges in teaching Chinese as a foreign language: different methods have been used in practice and more empirical evidence is needed to identify their advantages and limitations. In a crossover design, we compared groups which received either four-week tuition in Chinese characters only (without teaching the sound or pinyin spelling) or the same period of tuition in spoken Chinese (without any writing, neither characters nor pinyin). After a two-week break, the groups were swapped, such that the writing class received tuition in spoken Chinese and vice versa. The first four-week block was delivered in the traditional classroom format, while the remaining tuition took place online, due to the Covid-19-related lockdown. The idea of teaching spoken and written Chinese entirely separately, although initially unfamiliar to teachers, proved to be feasible. The transition to online teaching worked Article

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