Three types of close relationships have received attention from theorists and researchers interested in self-monitoring: friendships, romantic relationships, and marriage. Our review of this literature was organized around three phases of relationships: initiation, maintenance, and dissolution. Across the three types of relationships, consistent differences between high self-monitors and low self-monitors emerged concerning the structure of their social relationships (segmented vs. integrated), the basis for choosing friends and romantic partners (activity-based vs. person-based), and the orientation taken to romantic and marital partners (uncommitted vs. committed). Across all three types of relationships, however, little is known about the processes and consequences involved in the dissolution of close relationships for high self-monitors and low self-monitors. Relatively little is also known about the processes used by high self-monitors and low self-monitors to maintain their friendships and marriages. In addition to addressing these deficiencies in the literature, theorists and researchers interested in self-monitoring and close relationships need to develop sophisticated, causal models that can account for (a) interaction exchanges in the relationships, (b) dyadic as well as individual levels of analysis, and (c) temporal and situational changes in the course of close relationships.

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Cohabitation involves fewer restrictions than does marriage. High self-monitors have an unrestricted orientation to close relationships; low self-monitors have a restricted orientation to close relationships. We therefore predicted that high self-monitors would cohabit rather than marry, whereaslow self-monitors were expected to marry rather than cohabit. Across three studies, participants indicated their current relationship status (married versus cohabitating), completed the 18-item Self-Monitoring Scale, and provided demographic and relationship-related information. Our prediction was confirmed in Study 1. In Study 2, this finding was replicated, and relationship longevity did not mediate self-monitoring effects on relationship choices. Selfmonitoring differences were again duplicated in Study 3, but these divergent preferences were mediated by the presence-absence of children in relationships (but not by differential commitment to partners). Limitations in our work, future theoretical and empirical directions, and clinical/policy implications are discussed.