This paper is focused on the anthropological concept of ritual, starting from Emile Durkheim's approach in Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (1912). We discuss three different aspects of the Durkheimian perspective on religion and rituals: a) the sacred/profane dichotomy; b) the concept of collective representations - which establishes a substantial continuity between religious and scientific thought; c) a ‟practical” and performative interpretation of rites as the basis of social bond. During the twentieth century, these aspects have influenced different and sometimes opposing theoretical approaches (including ‟symbolist” and ‟neo-intellectualist” theories and Victor Turner's ‟anthropology of experience”). We briefly review each of them, arguing for the importance of reconsidering them into a unitary perspective, centred on religious phenomena as basically moral experiences and as the language of social relations. In the conclusions, we will show how such unitary approach helps us understand the transformations as well as the continuities of rituality in the individualized and secularized societies of what we call nowadays the Western world.
This article analyses the social construction of moral outrage, interpreting it as both an extemporaneous feeling and an enduring process, objectified in narratives and rituals and permeating public spaces as well as the intimate sphere of social actors’ lives. Based on ethnography carried out in Istanbul, this contribution focuses on the assassination of the Turkish Armenian journalist Hrant Dink in 2007. This provoked a moral shock and led to an annual commemoration in which thousands of people—distant in political, religious, ethnic positions—gather around a shared feeling of outrage. The article retraces the narratives of innocence and the moral frames that make Dink’s public figure different from other victims of state violence, thus enabling a moral and emotional identification of a large audience. Outrage over Dink’s murder has become a creative, mobilizing force that fosters new relationships between national history and subjectivity, and de-reifies essentialized social boundaries and identity claims.
This article, based on ethnography conducted in Istanbul, focuses on the experience of the political among young, far-left Turkish militants and young adults whose parents belong to the ’78 revolutionary generation. It shows how their ‘red youth subculture’ is imbricated with family, solidarity and generational bonds. Through the analysis of ritualised political practices such as the May Day parades, the feeling of nostalgia for a never-lived past, political meetings and the role of politics in families, it argues that the experience of the political is irreducible to a set of strategies and ideas: it consists of affections, corporeal sensations, embodied knowledge, aesthetic choices and material culture, which all contribute to substantialise relationships with the state, forms of intimacy and practices of distinction.
Ethnographic research on the life experiences of former political prisoners and their families in Uruguay suggests the need for rethinking of the concept of trauma, which is often inadequate to convey the historical and social specificity of painful memories. The collective wound is constructed in public space, and intimate memories are closely linked to the framework in which they are embedded. Working on the victim's self is not sufficient to overcome the trauma, distracting attention from the need for social recognition and justice. Making history and doing justice are unavoidable steps in the establishment of a different political regime.Las investigaciones etnográficas sobre las experiencias de vida de ex presos políticos y sus familias en Uruguay sugieren la necesidad de replantearse el concepto de trauma, el cual suele ser casi siempre inadecuado para expresar la especificidad histórica y social de las memorias dolorosas. La herida colectiva se construye en el espacio público y las memorias íntimas están estrechamente vinculadas con el marco en el que están inmersas. Trabajar sólo con el yo de la víctima no es suficiente para superar el trauma, y desvía la atención de la necesidad de reconocimiento social y justicia. Hacer historia y hacer justicia son pasos ineludibles en el establecimiento de un régimen político diferente.
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