Poor countries account for 56 percent of the global disease burden but less than 2 percent of global health spending. With the global commitment to the Millennium Development Goals in 2000, poverty and the deplorable health conditions of the world's poor have finally reached center stage in the international policy arena, and aid for health has greatly increased. This paper evaluates health financing in developing countries from global- and country-level perspectives and briefly describes the types of reforms needed in the global aid architecture to make effective use of this historic opportunity to improve the plight of the world's poor.
Primary healthcare (PHC) is considered as the pathway to Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and to achieving sustainable development goals. Measuring PHC expenditure is a critical first step to understanding why some countries improve access to health services, provide financial risk protection and achieve UHC. In this paper, we tested and examined different measurement options using the System of Health Accounts (SHA) 2011 for systematic monitoring of PHC expenditure. We used the ‘first-contact’ approach to PHC and applied it to the healthcare function or healthcare provider classifications of SHA 2011. Data comes from 36 recent low-income and middle-income countries health accounts 2011–2016. Country spending on PHC varies largely, across countries and across definition options. For example, PHC expenditure ranges from US$15 to US$60 per capita. The sensitivity analysis highlighted the weight of including or excluding medical goods. The correlation analysis comparing countries ranking is strong between options. The study identified the major challenges in developing standard monitoring of PHC expenditure. One, there is a lack of clear operational definition for PHC, suggesting that a global standard definition would not replace the need for country context specific definition. Two, there is insufficient data granularity both because the standard framework does not offer it and because quality data breakdown is unavailable.
Despite the increasing popularity of Results Based Financing, there is little evidence or documentation of different verification strategies and how strategies relate to the verification results. Documentation of implementation processes including those pertaining to verification of outputs/results is lacking in World Bank-financed RBF projects in the health sector. The overall objective of this cross-case analysis is to expand knowledge about verification processes and practices to address the design and implementation needs of RBF projects. This study adds to available knowledge by comparing the characteristics of verification strategies as well as available data on costs (using level of effort as a proxy), savings, and verification results to date in six countries: Afghanistan, Argentina, Burundi, Panama, Rwanda, and the UK. These case studies were purposively selected to explore a number of factors, including: how a variety of results are verified; how the verification strategy is being implemented at different levels in the health system; and the implications of having different types of actors (that is, third-party versus internal verifiers) involved in the verification process. In this cross-case analysis, the discussion of similarities and differences in verification methods across the six cases as well as the analysis of findings is guided by a conceptual framework developed for this study. This study presents seventeen key findings, and nine recommendations.
Cognitive ability and ability to act capture an important part of the education gradient in prevention whereas knowledge about illness explains little. Medicine individualized to patients' cognitive ability and ability to act could improve adherence to prevention protocols among patients with chronic conditions.
Countries vary widely with respect to the share of government spending on health, a metric that can serve as a proxy for the extent to which health is prioritized by governments. World Health Organization (WHO) data estimate that, in 2011, health's share of aggregate government expenditure averaged 12% in the 170 countries for which data were available. However, country differences were striking: ranging from a low of 1% in Myanmar to a high of 28% in Costa Rica. Some of the observed differences in health's share of government spending across countries are unsurprisingly related to differences in national income. However, significant variations exist in health's share of government spending even after controlling for national income. This paper provides a global overview of health's share of government spending and summarizes some of the key theoretical and empirical perspectives on allocation of public resources to health vis-à-vis other sectors from the perspective of reprioritization, one of the modalities for realizing fiscal space for health. The paper argues that theory and cross-country empirical analyses do not provide clear-cut explanations for the observed variations in government prioritization of health. Standard economic theory arguments that are often used to justify public financing for health are equally applicable to many other sectors including defence, education and infrastructure. To date, empirical work on prioritization has been sparse: available cross-country econometric analyses suggest that factors such as democratization, lower levels of corruption, ethnolinguistic homogeneity and more women in public office are correlated with higher shares of public spending on health; however, these findings are not robust and are sensitive to model specification. Evidence from case studies suggests that country-specific political economy considerations are key, and that results-focused reform efforts - in particular efforts to explicitly expand the breadth and depth of health coverage as opposed to efforts focused only on government budgetary benchmarking targets - are more likely to result in sustained and politically feasible prioritization of health from a fiscal space perspective.
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