There have been recent advances in the phonological reconstruction of the South-Central ("Kuki-Chin") branch of Trans-Himalayan (Tibeto-Burman), in particular by VanBik (2009). However, the Northwestern ("Old Kuki") subgroup, generally considered to be conservative, is not represented in this work as reliable data have not been available. The present study provides a comprehensive documentation of the historical phonology of one Northwestern language, Monsang. The unexpected finding is that Monsang cannot be considered conservative in its phonological development. A large number of sound changes have occurred across all phonological domains. The majority of sound changes are mergers, and with small exceptions, no unusual sound changes are found. As a result, the diachronic development of Monsang can be considered a case of reduction in phonological complexity.
Matisoff (2003) reconstructs an "adjectival prefix" *gV-, based on work by Wolfenden (1929). As a result of surveying grammatical descriptions of more than 90 Tibeto-Burman languages, the present study provides evidence to reconstruct Matisoff 's adjectival prefix as a nominalizer whose functional range includes (but is not limited to) the adjectival marking. Evidence for the prefix is found in three major genetic subdivisions. Within Bradley's (2002) Western branch, Baram (Newaric) has a particularly versatile nominalizer ki-~gi-, and Eastern Kiranti languages have *gV-…-pa nominalizing circumfixes. In Bradley's Eastern branch, rGyalrongic languages have velar prefixes that function as the main nominalizers. Further, in DeLancey's (2015) Central branch of Trans-Himalayan (Sino-Tibetan), we find reflexes of *gV-in many languages, most notably the versatile nominalizer kV-in Lamkang (Northwest Kuki-Chin). Other languages of the India-Myanmar border with unresolved phylogenetic status within Tibeto-Burman also have reflexes of *gV-, most prominently Karbi and Tangkhul (Konnerth 2012).
In a reported intentionality construction, intentionality is expressed as reported speech/thought (‘s/he says/thinks, <I will go>’). The quoted clause must contain a first person form and refer to the future. Reported intentionality displays perspective persistence and an accompanying apparent form-meaning mismatch, as it structurally marks the speech-act participant perspective of the volitional agent despite idiomatically translating only from the perspective of the current speaker. While this construction has been examined in languages around the world, this is the first treatment for the Trans-Himalayan (or Sino-Tibetan/Tibeto-Burman) language family. Monsang (South-Central; Northeast India) is shown to have a reported intentionality construction of the cross-linguistic type. In addition, there is a desiderative construction in the language that does not display perspective persistence but is argued to reconstruct back to a reported intentionality construction. Further evidence from synchronic and diachronic quotative constructions in Monsang is presented that illustrates the prominence of quotative-derived expressions of intentionality in Monsang verbal morphology.
<p>This study examines different functions of the enclitic =t<span>ā </span>in Karbi with the goal to contribute to a cross-linguistic typology of additive focus markers. Karbi =tā translates as the English additive particle ‘also,’ but additionally occurs in at least five other constructions, as laid out in this paper. Specifically, the data show that besides 1) marking additive focus, =tā may 2) function as a coordinator, or 3) indicate the scalar additive meaning ‘even.’ Through that function =tā also appears to be part of concessive conjunctions. Furthermore, =tā functions 4) to mark universal quantification. Perhaps related to this latter function, =tā occurs seemingly just idiomatically with certain adverbs. Attaching to verbs, this enclitic occurs 5) in a copy verb construction that seems to have an intensifying function. Finally and most intriguingly, =tā functions 6) as a discourse structuring device.</p>
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