ABSTRAKTulisan ini secara spesifik melihat implikasi serius dari rendahnya Party-ID terhadap masivnya praktek politik uang di Indonesia. Prosesi demokrasi elektoral di Indonesia bekerja dengan logika padat modal sehingga kekuatan finansial menjadi salah satu faktor determinan dalam kemenangan kandidat politik. Hal ini beririsan secara bersamaan dengan terjadinya proses deideologisasi yang berlangsung secara masif ditubuh partai politik dan pemilih sehingga tingkatan Party-ID menjadi lemah. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi literatur. Data utama yang digunakan berasal dari jurnal, buku, maupun internet. Penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa gagalnya fungsi representasi politik (artikulasi dan agregasi kepentingan) yang ditampilkan partai politik membuat ikatan kedekatan ideologis (Party-ID) dengan masyarakat menjadi begitu rapuh. Hilangnya kohesi ideologis tersebut turut andil menguatkan tipologi floating mass yang seringkali harus diikat kembali melalui pendekatan politik uang ketika momen elektoral hadir (Pemilu dan Pilkada). Memperkuat fungsi intermediasi Partai Politik melalui reformasi kelembagaan dan kerjakerja politik ideologis adalah salah satu solusi strategis memutus mata rantai politik uang di Indonesia. ABSTRACTThis paper specifically looks at the serious implications of the low number of Party-IDs on the importance of the practice of money politics in Indonesia. Electoral democracy procession in Indonesia works with capital-intensive logic so that financial strength is one of the determinant factors in the victory of political candidates. This coincided with the de-idealization process that took place massively in the body of political parties and voters so that the level of Party-ID was weakened. The research method used is qualitative with a literature study approach. The main data used comes from journals, books, and the internet. This research shows that the failure of the function of political representation (articulation and aggregation of interests) displayed by political parties makes the ideological bond (Party-ID) close to the community so fragile. The loss of ideological cohesion has contributed to the strengthening of the floating mass typology which often must be tied back through the approach of money politics when the electoral moment is present (elections and local elections). Strengthening the intermediary function of political parties through institutional reform and ideological-political work is one of the strategic solutions to break the money politics in Indonesia. PENDAHULUANTulisan ini melihat maraknya politik uang dalam proses elektoral di Indonesia yang disebabkan lemahnya Party-ID. Partai politik mengalami keterputusan relasi ideologis yang dalam CosmoGov: Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan
Law 6 of 2014 cites Village-Owned Enterprises as Business Entities, whose capital is owned by the Village and is obtained from Village assets to facilitate the welfare of the Village community. The government must understand the potential in its territory and manage it together with the community, the private sector, and the Village Government for its sustainability. The success of Ngroto Village in establishing and running Village-Owned Enterprises Ageng made Ngroto one of the independent villages with IDM 94. Further research is to answer how the collaboration patterns between the government and various stakeholders in achieving economic empowerment in Ngroto Village. This research method uses descriptive qualitative and data collection interviews, observations, and documentation. The results of the study indicate the success of the government in achieving an increase in IDM over the past four years because it encourages public confidence in local government. In the economic field, cooperation to realize by the role of Ageng Village-Owned Enterprises, which has three units, namely savings and loans, partners, and users of drinking water. Savings and loan units with low interest and coupled with training/business assistance have been proven to contribute to reducing the number of poor people from 477 in 2015 to 297 in 2018. The above facts prove that collaborative collaboration is strengthened and proven to support development in villages and needs to be a model for development models in rural areas in Indonesia.
The practice of gambling in holding village head elections was allegedly threatening democratization at the local level. Instead of being an example of the uniqueness of local democracy in Indonesia, village head election democracy is colored by the practice of money politics. In every village head election, including in Batu city, it is always colored by the presence of Botoh or gamblers. In some studies, Botoh is interpreted as a broker or broker in financing the political costs of a village head candidate. Their position is in outside the structure of government. Their presence in the practice of village head election gambling is suspected because of economic motives. This research offers different things. Understanding botoh is not only those who are outside the government structure, but they are also people who are inside the government structure. Based on these conditions, this study wants to answer how the dynamics of botoh in the practice of village head election gambling at the local level. The research in this paper uses a type of qualitative research with a descriptive approach. In collecting data researchers used interview techniques with an open model, participatory observation and documentation. Data analysis using an interactive analysis model, this study tries to display descriptive data. The technique of taking informants is done by purposive sampling and snowball The involvement of botoh or gamblers in each organization of village head elections is due to their perception of the meaning of village head elections as a gambling arena. Their orientation in the administration of pilkades as a venue for capital accumulation. Unlike the botoh motives, some botohs are in the government structure, they are politicians who have the interest to finance the winning of village head candidates, with the hope that besides economic motives, the victory of village head candidates who are supported guarantees the continuity of their power structure. In an open electoral system, the village head can be used as a voice broker to ensure voter voting mobility to the politician.
After the 1998 political reforms, political parties had been encouraged to practice gender politics, oriented to have equality by providing lots of affirmative spaces for women's involvement as the demand for political parties is more inclusive to women to take apart and carry cooperative programs for women improvement. Based on Law No. 17 of 2017 concerning general elections with a minimum quota of 30% must be female, there is a space for positive affirmation of gender politics in Indonesia's electoral democracy. This paper scrutinizes the basic foundations and practices of political parties in conducting gender politics through two things, namely the role of women in the power structure and the women's empowerment program. The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP) as Nationalist Ideology and Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as Modernist Islam in the regional level, in Malang City, are as a case study. This research uses a descriptive qualitative method in which primary data collection techniques were conducted through observation and structured interviews, whereas documentation and library techniques collected secondary data. The results reveal that PDIP and PKS, in Malang City, have differences when practising gender politics in which PDIP is more inclusive based on competence and social networks but weak on women's empowerment programs and having a small number of female cadres whilst on the other hand, although it is still attached to patriarchal culture so that women are tough to reach the highest positions, PKS has many core female cadres and produces integrated programs to empower women.
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