This article deals with issues of territoriality, public space, the microphysics of power and street gang life in the current urban context of Kinshasa, capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo. In this city, a growing number of street children invade the public places. They team up in gangs and scour the streets in search of a location to settle (for a while). Along with their appropriation of public space, these gangs encounter several actors such as the city authorities, shop owners, tenants or rival street gangs. Before any settlement, deals have to be closed since every inch of the city is negotiable. All participants get involved in these negotiations, for no one is considered marginal, certainly not the street youth who are inextricably bound up with Congolese society. This contribution considers this dynamic field of negotiations through a focus on space and analyses it from a Foucauldian angle. It explores how gang members develop particular ways to control their territories and exercise power in them. Additionally, it examines how street youths manage to construct a home in the streets and make sense of their urban environment in the process.
In this article, I translate local narratives about one particular event into a reading of a city as a whole. The city concerned is Butembo, a secondary city in the North Kivu province (DRC). The incident relates to the appearance of a foreign flower in the late 1950s. This water hyacinth — named ‘Congo ya Sika’, which means ‘the New Congo’— caused severe damage to the waterways of the Belgian Congo, and the colonial authorities mobilized the population in an effort to eradicate the plague. Pamphlets and posters were spread, with the request to destroy the pictured flower when spotted. People of Butembo reacted in a most particular way to the appearance of these posters in their city, ascribing the Congo ya Sika flower mythical proportions right from the start. In their interpretation, the appearance of the flower was a sign that ‘the new Congo’ would rise in their town, endowing their place exclusively with a particular force. I scrutinize the myth's origin and analyse its social meaning, in an effort to gain a better understanding of Butembo's society. Throughout my analysis, special attention is paid to (self) representation, and to noise stuck to colonial messages. Résumé Ce travail part de récits locaux à propos d'un événement particulier pour restituer une lecture de toute une ville. Il s'agit de Butembo, une ville secondaire de la province congolaise du Nord‐Kivu. L'incident est liéà l'introduction d'une fleur étrangère à la fin des années 1950. Cette jacinthe d'eau appelée Congo ya Sika, qui signifie ‘Nouveau Congo’ a proliféré dangereusement dans les voies d'eau du Congo belge, incitant les autorités coloniales à mobiliser la population afin d'éradiquer la plante. Des brochures et affiches ont été diffusées, demandant de détruire la fleur représentée dès qu'elle était repérée. La population de Butembo a alors réagi d'une manière très singulière, donnant à la fleur Congo ya Sika une dimension mythique dès le début. Selon l'interprétation des habitants, l'apparition de la fleur était le signe que le ‘nouveau Congo’ naîtrait dans leur ville, conférant à ce site une force spécifique. Après avoir étudié l'origine du mythe, cet article analyse sa signification sociale afin d'appréhender au mieux la société de Butembo. Une attention particulière est accordée à l'(auto)représentation et aux signaux parasites qui se sont raccrochés au message des autorités coloniales.
In this article, I map out spaces of social encounters and elaborate upon the once openly exposed but now hidden nightlife of Butembo, in eastern Congo. I explore what moves the people of Butembo, where they go to have fun, and what ‘fun’ means in a war-torn place. The main focus lies on the city's countlesscabarets, as these seemed the places where people mostly met. Acabaretis a private dwelling where a single woman offers home-brewed alcohol and sexual services alike. Usually, acabaretbears no signage at all, so from the outside, it is hard to discern from an ordinary house. Yet, their sheer invisibility stands in sharp contrast to their major importance. As I proceed through the article, it becomes clear that these obscurecabaretsare spaces of sociability with an undeniable importance that contribute to the functioning of the city in many respects.
The relationship between urbanization and mining is a precarious one; the latter often expands at the expense of the former. The incautious urban planning of a mining city in southeastern DR Congo, however, has opened up opportunities for residents with artisanal mining skills. Since the city is constructed on top of mineral deposits, the residents are able to dig ore in their own backyards to draw their subsistence. Based upon archival and ethnographic research, Geenen argues that, by self-generating the livelihoods they expected their resource-rich soil to bring forth, these artisanal diggers take advantage of the urbanized mineral deposits and write their own narrative of capitalism.
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