From the 1970s through the 2010s, the U.S. labor market experienced a pronounced risk shift from employers to employees, characterized by an increase in job insecurity as well as retrenchment in employer-provided health insurance, retirement plans, and other fringe benefits (Cappelli 1999; Kalleberg 2009; Pugh 2015). During this period, U.S. workers experienced increasingly precarious employment and higher levels of economic insecurity (Hacker 2006; Jacoby 2001). At the same time, the social safety net became a less reliable and less sufficient source of fallback support for low-wage or unemployed workers, and household resources were further stretched by a rise in single-parent families (Breen 1997). Against this backdrop, the rise in precarious employment could have major implications for workers' health and wellbeing (Kalleberg 2018). The dramatic increases in the disability, morbidity, and mortality of working-class and less educated
In the United States, the Great Recession was marked by severe negative shocks to labor market conditions. In this study, we combine longitudinal data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study with U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics data on local area unemployment rates to examine the relationship between adverse labor market conditions and mothers' experiences of abusive behavior between 2001 and 2010. Unemployment and economic hardship at the household level were positively related to abusive behavior. Further, rapid increases in the unemployment rate increased men's controlling behavior toward romantic partners even after we adjust for unemployment and economic distress at the household level. We interpret these findings as demonstrating that the uncertainty and anticipatory anxiety that go along with sudden macroeconomic downturns have negative effects on relationship quality, above and beyond the effects of job loss and material hardship.
This article examines the relationship between private safety nets and economic outcomes among 2,818 low‐income single mothers in three U.S. counties in the 1990s. I define private safety nets as the potential to draw upon family and friends for material or emotional support if needed. Using a combination of survey and administrative records data collected for the National Evaluation of Welfare‐to‐Work Strategies, I find that human capital deficits, depressive symptoms, and low self‐efficacy are associated with having less private safety net support, suggesting that social network disadvantages compound individual‐level disadvantages. I also find that mothers with strong private safety nets worked more, earned more, and were less reliant on welfare compared with mothers with more meager private safety nets.
Recent research has documented the high prevalence of having children with more than 1 partner, termed multipartnered fertility. Because childbearing is an important mechanism for building kin networks, we theorize that multipartnered fertility will influence the availability of social support for mothers. Analyzing 3 waves of data from the Fragile Families study (N = 12,259), we find that multipartnered fertility is negatively associated with the availability of financial, housing, and child‐care support. Our longitudinal evidence suggests a bidirectional relationship in which multipartnered fertility reduces the availability of support, and the availability of support inhibits multipartnered fertility. We conclude that smaller and denser kin networks seem to be superior to broader, but weaker kin ties in terms of perceived instrumental support.
We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (N = 12,140 person–waves) to identify characteristics associated with mothers’ having or lacking “personal safety net” support from family and friends. We focus on characteristics that are likely to increase the importance of having support available but may also interfere with the maintenance of supportive ties: poverty, poor physical and mental health, and challenging child rearing responsibilities. By capitalizing on distinctions among these types of personal disadvantages and among types of personal safety nets (financial, housing, child care, and emotional), we help to explain why personal disadvantages are associated with weaker support. Our paper contributes to the literature emphasizing the importance of reciprocity in support relationships and introduces the idea that families that are more difficult to help will have less support available.
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