This article investigates power relations in Intra-Party Democracy in the study of organizing political parties. Intra-Party Democracy refers to the notion of formal political institutions, whereas the political process more often occurs informally, personally, multi-vector which involves multi actors, multi political resources and power relations no longer come from formal institutional sources but any direction and beyond the reach of formal institutions. Using the literature review method, this article enhances the explanation of Intra-Party Democracy by presenting the perspective of Discursive Institutionalism as an analytical framework that bridges multi-vector power relations that occur in organizing political parties. Discursive Institutionalism explores the actors' discursive capabilities, namely coordinative discourse and communicative discourse in the discursive process in organizing political parties.
This study aimed to explore political communication in the building of political power networks in Jenggrik Village, Kedunggalar District, Ngawi Regency during the village head elections (village head election) from 1998 to 2019 from patron-client relations perspective. Political communication occurs through village elites and village community leaders. Political communication happens between the village head and his community members. This study was a descriptive study using a qualitative research method. This study sought to understand the processes and facts about political communication that shapes community loyalty and the leaders in Jenggrik Village, Kedunggalar District who have economic and non-economic power. The findings and conclusions of this study supported Max Weber's notion on Charismatic Leadership as well as Sartono Kartodirjo’s research which stated that the loyalty of village communities (clients) is formed because of village heads (patrons) for material (economic) and non-material (non-economic) reasons, such as authority and charisma of the leader; distribution of benefits from individuals or groups in exchange for political support; the loyalty of village communities, according to Jonathan Hopkins; also material factors such as financial aid, village physical infrastructure development assistance, or other economic assistance, according to James C. Scott and Ahimsa.
The phenomenon of a single candidate lately happens a lot in Indonesia, especially in the sphere of local election democratic parties. In the elections held simultaneously in Indonesia in 2017, many regions in the elections were only attended by one candidate pair. This makes the climate of competition in democracy not as expected with democracy. Democracy aims to make elite circulation happen, so that the ruling elite does not dominate so that it becomes an oligarchy. Democracy can turn into an oligarchy if a small group of groups dominates and tries to maintain power in order to remain in the circle of power. We have encountered many oligarchs in political parties, where the DPP of political parties determines the direction of political parties, even in determining the candidates to be carried by political parties in the elections and political lobbying in forming coalitions. The author uses the theory of iron oligarchy Robert Michels as an analytical aid. The research method uses descriptive qualitative research methods in explaining the phenomena that occur. Research data obtained through in-depth interviews with informants. The results show that the phenomenon of a single candidate is not always due to the high electability of a candidate pair, it can also occur because of the dominant oligarchy in political parties at the central level affects to the regional level.
The public sphere is not always what Jürgen Habermas imagines, which is inclusive, egalitarian and pressure-free. In the Madurese paternalistic constellation, the dominations of power over the contestation of public opinion and action become prominent in the relationship between participants/actors. A meeting between different interests causes this contestation. The struggle for influence is also shown by the dominance of ‘capital’ or resources. In Madura, Kiai are considered to have ‘charismatic’ symbolic capital related to the historical and cultural aspects of the Madurese ethnicity. This makes the figure of Kiai (along with Blater as a twin regime) become the center of consensus-making in a paternalistic public discussion. This phenomenological qualitative research becomes interesting when the world view of the local community is connected with Habermas’ perspective through the idea of European version of the bourgeois public sphere, which is considered not applicable to the local genius Madurese realm. The arena of public sphere in the Tanean Lanjhang pattern and the existence of ‘langgar’ (mosque) in the social community rejects the characterization of Habermas and brings a new definition of Madurese paternalistic public sphere, which is hegemony-mutualistic, as one of the richness of Indonesian cultural patterns.
This study discusses the perspective of Political Justice in the Implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya. The study aims to determine the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya has fulfilled Political Justice and the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya is adequate as a form of political justice. The research method that uses is descriptive qualitative because it presents a detailed description of the situation or social phenomenon. Methods of data collection using direct interviews with resource persons include: Head of Surabaya City Health Office, Surabaya City DPRD Commission D, Lurah, PBJS recipient community. The results showed that the implementation of BPJS PBI in Surabaya City had not yet fulfilled Political Justice, based on indicators of fairness, equality, equality, and impartiality. The implementation of BPJS PBI in the city of Surabaya is also inadequate as a form of political justice because the state still determines justice in terms of profit and loss to health because the way of thinking lies in the amount of current contributions that do not match the actual calculation. Therefore, the implementation of the Health Insurance for the Poor program funded by the Surabaya City Regional Budget has not yet fulfilled the concept of Political Justice. This can be seen that there are still Health Insurance recipients who are not on target because of lack of accuracy in the process of verifying data on the poor in Surabaya, easy to get a Poor Certificate (SKM) that applies only once, and there are still groups of welfare recipients, so there is no meet the aspects of equity and justice.
The family planning village in Jambewangi village of Banyuwangi regency has been awarded the title of provice and national pilot KB Village in the year of 2019. Motivated by the commitment and active role of various components of stakeholders to foster and accompany the society in the process of implementation of the KB village policy. All stakeholders involved can provide coaching and facilitation to improve the utilization of all potential of the welfare and acceleration of the development of Jambewangi village. Each stakeholder involved has different influences and interests. It is also influenced by power or authority over the policy itself. This study was qualitative with a descriptive approach. Data were collected using observation and deep interviews. After examining the validity, data were analyzed by presenting the data that is simultaneously analyzed and interpreted according to the analysis theory of stakeholder role to be concluded. This study explains the analysis of the role of stakeholders involved in the implementation of family planning village in Jambewangi village of Banyuwangi regency, which are grouped based on interests and power on policies in accordance with Bryson's stakeholder analysis theory. From the results of this study, it was concluded that the grouping of stakeholders in this study had the aim to find out the parties involved in the implementation of the policy including its roles, interests, and impacts arising from the implementation of the policy program.
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