The 212 Islamic Group was in opposition with the government of Joko Widodo (Jokowi) in the 2019 presidential election. This group made militant resistance against Jokowi in the presidential election. This resistance influenced the presidential election contestation became more dynamic and fierce. The fierce contestation had divided the community into two camps, namely the pros and cons of Jokowi. This study explored and analyzed the resistance of the 212 Islamic Group against the government in the 2019 presidential election. This study was a qualitative study, interviewing 12 informants, consisting of the 212 Islamic Groups, Moderate Islamic Groups, Indonesian Ulema Council, online media, and academics. This study showed that The 212 Islamic Group can offset the government’s political influence so that the presidential election becomes more dynamic and balanced. However, the resistance of this group can be substantial (prominent) because of the narration about the rise of Islam and their ability to ideologize mosques and social media. This paper concluded that there was a resistance of the 212 Islamic Group to the country because Jokowi was considered secular and detrimental to Islam in politics and law, such as disbanding Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI).

This article investigates power relations in Intra-Party Democracy in the study of organizing political parties. Intra-Party Democracy refers to the notion of formal political institutions, whereas the political process more often occurs informally, personally, multi-vector which involves multi actors, multi political resources and power relations no longer come from formal institutional sources but any direction and beyond the reach of formal institutions. Using the literature review method, this article enhances the explanation of Intra-Party Democracy by presenting the perspective of Discursive Institutionalism as an analytical framework that bridges multi-vector power relations that occur in organizing political parties. Discursive Institutionalism explores the actors' discursive capabilities, namely coordinative discourse and communicative discourse in the discursive process in organizing political parties.

In dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic, political actors in Indonesia tend to interpret “sick” in different ways. This study aims to discuss practices of political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. By using qualitative discourse analysis where data were mainly obtained from January to October 2020, this study found that political struggles over the meaning of “sick” in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia were dominated by three major powers, namely the government, capitalist, and medical professionals. The meaning of “sick” given by these groups is not only different but also keeps changing from time to time, especially in certain political moments. This study found four important political moments which were closely related to the way these three groups of actors interpret the meaning of “sick” in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. In one moment, “sick” was interpreted narrowly, while in another moment, “sick” was interpreted broadly. This study concludes that the struggle for the meaning of sick is an inherent practice in dealing with the COVID-19 pandemic in Indonesia. A further consequence is that the meaning of sick is not fixed as it is known so far but is more unfixed and contingent.

Pemerintah Kota Surabaya merupakan salah satu pelopor pelayanan publik berbasis teknologi informasi dan komunikasi. Semua perangkat daerah di kota ini berlomba-lomba untuk menciptakan aplikasi elektronik demi mewujudkan efisiensi dan efektifitas program kerja. Studi ini mrmbahas bagaimana kebijakan berbasis teknologi, khususnya di bidang pemanfaatan media sosial, yang dilakukan Dinas Perpustakaan dan Kearsipan Surabaya, dibuat dan diiimplementasikan untuk mengoptimalisasikan pelayanan publik. Teori determinasi teknologi dan kebijakan publik digunakan sebagai landasan berpikir dalam studi. Penelitian dalam studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan deskriptif. Pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam terhadap tiga orang informan, observasi pada media sosial, dan penelusuran melalui literatur maupun dokumen lainnya. Teknik analisis dilakukan melalui reduksi data, penyajian data, dan perumusan kesimpulan. Studi ini menunjukkan bahwa pemanfaatan media sosial Dinas Perpustakaan dan Kearsipan Surabaya telah berjalan secara baik dan memberi dampak positif. Implementasi kebijakan publik ini juga selaras dengan apa yang dirumuskan dalam pembangunan berkelanjutan yang digariskan oleh Perserikatan Bangsa-Bangsa. Meski demikian, perlu ada pembenahan di sejumlah aspek, antara lain, penambahan frekuensi pembaruan konten di media sosial. Penambahan konten bisa menjadi salah satu cara untuk membangun kedekatan antara instansi tersebut dengan masyarakat. Selain itu, penambahan jumlah mitra kolaborasi dalam program-program berbasis media sosial juga diperlukan demi mengoptimalkan pelayanan publik.

This research is aimed to understand the political communication style of Ridwan Kamil as the governor of West Java province towards the urban spatial planning in West Java. This research utilises van Dijk's critical discourse analysis method because it is considered to be a clear method in the process of data analysing. Sources of this research will be gathered from spatial planning-related three online news (tempo.co, inilahkoran.com, pikiranrakyat.com) from September 2018 to July 2019. This research discovers that Ridwan Kamil has an equalitarian style, which he able to digest the situation with his two-way communication and idea acceptance.