Reform efforts in many police departments have diversified the workforce, especially with regard to race, sex, and sexual orientation. Research, however, has demonstrated that the assimilation of these officers has not been problem-free. Using data collected from a large, municipal police department, this article examines the workplace experiences of patrol officers and a potential consequence of those experiences: stress. We find that being female and being a racial/ethnic minority brings with it substantially different experiences on the job compared to male and White officers. Our findings also confirm previous research that workplace climate has an effect on workplace stress.
According to community policing advocates, police agencies should implement a variety of important organizational changes. These changes are supposed to occur in a number of different substantive domains, including the culture, behavior, and structure of police organizations. This paper examines the evidence for change in just one of these domains: formal organizational structure. Based on concepts derived from organization theory, and using data from six different data sets, the paper explores whether the structures of US police organizations changed during the 1990s. Overall, it finds mixed evidence. Some changes have occurred in the direction encouraged by community policing reformers, some changes have occurred in the opposite direction, and some changes have not occurred at all. T h e E m era ld R es ea rc h R e g ister fo r th is jo u rn a l is a v a ila b le a t http://www.emeraldinsight.com/researchregister T h e c u rren t is su e a n d fu ll tex t a rc h iv e o f th is jo u rn a l is a v a ila b le a t http://www.emeraldinsight.com/1363-951X .htm Portions of this research were supported by grant # 98-IJ-CX-0003 from the National Institute of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed in this document do not necessarily reflect the official policies or positions of the US Department of Justice. The authors are grateful to Jeremy Wilson and an anonymous reviewer for their comments on an earlier draft. Community policing and organizational structure The community policing movement is complex, woven together over time from a number of separate reform strands both within and outside of policing (Maguire and Mastrofski, 2000). Community policing reformers urge changes in many different substantive areas, from problem-solving and crime prevention efforts to new methods of supervision, management, and administration. Changes in the formal structure of police organizations constitute only one part of the community policing movement. For some commentators, structural changes are the most important part of community policing, while for others such changes represent mere tinkering (Gianakis and Davis, 1998; Maguire, 1997; Mastrofski, 1998; Redlinger, 1994). Regardless of one's stance on the relative importance of structural changes, most reformers view them as one part of an overall shift to community policing. People often use the term``organizational structure'' to refer to an expansive or nonspecific list of organizational characteristics. Among organization theorists, however, the term has a more specific meaning. We begin this section by defining organizational structure. We then outline seven structural features that are prominent in organizational theory and research, all of which play a role, whether explicit or implicit, in the reform agendas of community policing advocates. According to Maguire (2002): Organizational structure is the formal apparatus through which organizations accomplish two core activities: the division of labor and the coordination of work.
Purpose -This study aims to examine the relationship between officer characteristics, productivity levels, situational context, the complaint process and allegations of police misconduct in a Midwestern municipal police agency. Design/methodology/approach -Data were collected for all formal and informal complaints filed against patrol officers from 2002-2005. Demographic information, arrest, citation and report data, as well as data regarding the number of officers on scene during the police citizen contact that resulted in the complaint were utilized in these analyses. Findings -The analyses in this study demonstrate that more aggressive officers -those who issue a greater number of citations -will generate a greater number of complaints of misconduct. Two variables explain the processing of formal complaints: number of officers present and the nature of the complaint. Further, the analyses indicate that informal complaints are a viable source of data and that the collection and archival of informal complaints can be a useful indicator for internal control of police misconduct. Practical implications -The findings indicate that police departments must employ internal mechanisms, such as early warning systems to deal with police misconduct. Internal monitoring of police conduct may be the best way to detect misconduct as relying solely on citizen complaints as measures of police misconduct does not appear to be warranted. Originality/value -This paper adds to the literature on complaints of police misconduct by including several variables not previously examined. Further, this study analyzes both formal and informal complaints; there are no other studies that examine informal complaints of misconduct. This study also investigates the complaint process, including frequency, nature, disposition and discipline administered following disposition of formal complaints.
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