There is a growing interest in ‘evidence-based policy making’ in the UK. However, there remains some confusion about what evidence-based policy making actually means. This paper outlines some of the models used to understand how evidence is thought to shape or inform policy in order to explore the assumptions underlying ‘evidence-based policy making.’ By way of example, it considers the process of evidence seeking and in particular the systematic review as a presumed ‘gold standard’ of the EBP movement. It highlights some of the opportunities and challenges represented in this approach for policy research. The final part of the paper outlines some questions of capacity that need to be addressed if the social sciences are to make a more effective contribution to policy debate in Britain.

Wild radish is a prevalent annual weed throughout the cropping regions of southern Australia. Field experiments were conducted at Wagga Wagga, New South Wales, in 1998 and 1999 to determine the effect of various densities and emergence times of wild radish on yield and quality of canola and on wild radish seed production. As few as 4 wild radish m−2 emerging with canola reduced canola yield 9 to 11%, whereas 64 wild radish m−2 reduced canola yield 77 to 91%. Wild radish interference in canola was greatly affected by its time of emergence relative to canola. At 64 wild radish m−2, canola yield was reduced 77, 54, 33, and 19% in 1998 and 91, 65, 56, and 19% in 1999 when wild radish emerged 0, 2, 4, and 7 wk after canola, respectively. Wild radish that emerged 10 wk after canola did not reduce canola yield. Maximum wild radish seed production ranged from 24,183 to 32,167 seed m−2 when they emerged with canola at high densities. Wild radish that emerged later than canola produced much less seed, but some seed production still occurred in one of the 2 yr when it emerged as late as 10 wk after canola. Wild radish did not directly reduce canola quality in either year, but if wild radish seed were not separated from canola seed, the amount of erucic acid and glucosinolates was increased above marketable levels in some cases. The results of this study will be used to advise growers on wild radish control in canola and will aid the development of a multiyear management strategy for this troublesome weed in annual cropping systems.

This paper is addressed to some of the problems of using the concept values as an explanatory factor in the analysis of public policy-making. An obvious justification for a focus upon values is the presence within the field of policy output studies of implicit or partly explicated value or predisposition variables. The attention given to party control or Labour strength as intervening variables in the papers by Newton and Sharpe and Alt testify to the assumed importance of values, for party identification and control are clearly surrogates for a constellation of values which, though rarely discussed, are thought to inhere in the party. A broad range of studies conducted on both sides of the Atlantic suggest that such dimensions as ‘the scope of government’, ‘attitude to deviance’, ‘tolerance of ambiguity’, as well as more general aspects of actor roles, class cultures, or organizational ideologies, playa major part in the determination of policy decisions. Value analysis is without doubt a theoretical and methodological minefield. It is clear that different dimensions of belief and evaluation bear upon different policy areas; that levels of analysis problems arise in the identification of whose values are potent for policy;

Osborne and Gaebler's Reinventing Government offers a powerful image of a revolution in government. This article explores some of the assumptions of that seminal work as they relate to the nature of the change process. Parallels are drawn with the debate on the nineteenth‐century revolution in government, and Osborne and Gaebler's work is judged unlikely to survive the critical perspective of history. Their work may nonetheless be taken as providing a research agenda for the study of the recent extensive changes in British local government. To this end, the findings of the two major surveys of organizational change conducted by the Local Government Management Board are examined to see if such a revolution is indeed occurring. The conclusion is drawn that some, but by no means all, of Osborne and Gaebler's propositions are supported by this evidence, although their account of how change has come about is rejected.

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