Purpose: We used an eye-tracking technique to investigate whether English listeners use suprasegmental information about lexical stress to speed up the recognition of spoken words in English. Method: In a visual world paradigm, 24 young English listeners followed spoken instructions to choose 1 of 4 printed referents on a computer screen (e.g., "Click on the word admiral"). Displays contained a critical pair of words (e.g., ˈadmiral-ˌadmiˈration) that were segmentally identical for their first 2 syllables but differed suprasegmentally in their 1st syllable: One word began with primary lexical stress, and the other began with secondary lexical stress. All words had phrase-level prominence. Listeners' relative proportion of eye fixations on these words indicated their ability to differentiate them over time.Results: Before critical word pairs became segmentally distinguishable in their 3rd syllables, participants fixated target words more than their stress competitors, but only if targets had initial primary lexical stress. The degree to which stress competitors were fixated was independent of their stress pattern. Conclusions: Suprasegmental information about lexical stress modulates the time course of spoken-word recognition. Specifically, suprasegmental information on the primarystressed syllable of words with phrase-level prominence helps in distinguishing the word from phonological competitors with secondary lexical stress. I n variable-stress languages, such as English, Dutch, and Spanish, the relative emphasis of syllables within a word is not governed by a rule but rather is a property of the word. This lexically defined stress can thus be used to recognize words (e.g

A B S T R A C TThis study investigates if and how listeners adapt to reductions in casual continuous speech. In a perceptuallearning variant of the visual-world paradigm, two groups of Dutch participants were exposed to either segmental (/b/ → [ʋ]) or syllabic (ver-→ [fː]) reductions in spoken Dutch sentences. In the test phase, both groups heard both kinds of reductions, but now applied to different words. In one of two experiments, the segmental reduction exposure group was better than the syllabic reduction exposure group in recognizing new reduced /b/-words. In both experiments, the syllabic reduction group showed a greater target preference for new reduced ver-words. Learning about reductions was thus applied to previously unheard words. This lexical generalization suggests that mechanisms compensating for segmental and syllabic reductions take place at a prelexical level, and hence that lexical access involves an abstractionist mode of processing. Existing abstractionist models need to be revised, however, as they do not include representations of sequences of segments (corresponding e.g. to ver-) at the prelexical level.

Three eye-tracking experiments tested whether native listeners recognized reduced Dutch words better after having heard the same reduced words, or different reduced words of the same reduction type and whether familiarization with one reduction type helps listeners to deal with another reduction type. In the exposure phase, a segmental reduction group was exposed to /b/-reductions (e.g., minderij instead of binderij, “book binder”) and a syllabic reduction group was exposed to full-vowel deletions (e.g., p'raat instead of paraat, “ready”), while a control group did not hear any reductions. In the test phase, all three groups heard the same speaker producing reduced-/b/ and deleted-vowel words that were either repeated (Experiments 1 and 2) or new (Experiment 3), but that now appeared as targets in semantically neutral sentences. Word-specific learning effects were found for vowel-deletions but not for /b/-reductions. Generalization of learning to new words of the same reduction type occurred only if the exposure words showed a phonologically consistent reduction pattern (/b/-reductions). In contrast, generalization of learning to words of another reduction type occurred only if the exposure words showed a phonologically inconsistent reduction pattern (the vowel deletions; learning about them generalized to recognition of the /b/-reductions). In order to deal with reductions, listeners thus use various means. They store reduced variants (e.g., for the inconsistent vowel-deleted words) and they abstract over incoming information to build up and apply mapping rules (e.g., for the consistent /b/-reductions). Experience with inconsistent pronunciations leads to greater perceptual flexibility in dealing with other forms of reduction uttered by the same speaker than experience with consistent pronunciations.

Multiple redundant acoustic cues can contribute to the perception of a single phonemic contrast. This study investigated the effect of spectral degradation on the discriminability and perceptual saliency of acoustic cues for identification of word-final fricative voicing in “loss” versus “laws”, and possible changes that occurred when low-frequency acoustic cues were restored. Three acoustic cues that contribute to the word-final /s/-/z/ contrast (first formant frequency [F1] offset, vowel–consonant duration ratio, and consonant voicing duration) were systematically varied in synthesized words. A discrimination task measured listeners’ ability to discriminate differences among stimuli within a single cue dimension. A categorization task examined the extent to which listeners make use of a given cue to label a syllable as “loss” versus “laws” when multiple cues are available. Normal-hearing listeners were presented with stimuli that were either unprocessed, processed with an eight-channel noise-band vocoder to approximate spectral degradation in cochlear implants, or low-pass filtered. Listeners were tested in four listening conditions: unprocessed, vocoder, low-pass, and a combined vocoder + low-pass condition that simulated bimodal hearing. Results showed a negative impact of spectral degradation on F1 cue discrimination and a trading relation between spectral and temporal cues in which listeners relied more heavily on the temporal cues for “loss-laws” identification when spectral cues were degraded. Furthermore, the addition of low-frequency fine-structure cues in simulated bimodal hearing increased the perceptual saliency of the F1 cue for “loss-laws” identification compared with vocoded speech. Findings suggest an interplay between the quality of sensory input and cue importance.

Two eye-tracking experiments tested whether native listeners can adapt to reductions in casual Dutch speech. Listeners were exposed to segmental ([b] > [m]), syllabic (full-vowel-deletion), or no reductions. In a subsequent test phase, all three listener groups were tested on how efficiently they could recognize both types of reduced words. In the first Experiment's exposure phase, the (un)reduced target words were predictable. The segmental reductions were completely consistent (i.e., involved the same input sequences). Learning about them was found to be pattern-specific and generalized in the test phase to new reduced /b/-words. The syllabic reductions were not consistent (i.e., involved variable input sequences). Learning about them was weak and not pattern-specific. Experiment 2 examined effects of word repetition and predictability. The (un-)reduced test words appeared in the exposure phase and were not predictable. There was no evidence of learning for the segmental reductions, probably because they were not predictable during exposure. But there was word-specific learning for the vowel-deleted words. The results suggest that learning about reductions is pattern-specific and generalizes to new words if the input is consistent and predictable. With variable input, there is more likely to be adaptation to a general speaking style and word-specific learning.