The food-energy-water (FEW) nexus concept has emerged as a powerful approach to address the social and environmental challenges created by land and climate change. We present an analysis of the impact of the governance structure of the Lower Colorado River Basin (LCRB) on the implementation of the FEW nexus concept. Specifically, we quantified the linkages between food, energy, and water systems and then used two different future scenarios: (1) drought and (2) increased demand for alfalfa to look for the emergence of resource scarcity and/or vulnerabilities. Our results indicate that fluctuations in food production are not controlled by water availability but by the governance structure. Additionally, there is proportionally more water used for food than energy, and more energy used to move water to cities than water for agricultural production. Analysis of the production scenarios indicate tipping points of food, energy, and water resources based on climatic and consumptive trends that are not yet addressed by the rigid water laws in the LCRB. These results highlight the need for resource governance to play a strong formative role in the analysis and implementation of FEW nexus management strategies.

Displacements are understood as having wide-ranging impacts on livelihoods and community access to resources. Using interviews and oral histories of farmers displaced by a copper mine in Botswana, the research described here demonstrates that displacement not only changes lived experiences of those who are displaced, but also has broad relational impacts by dispersing displaced people's family members and neighbors, disenfranchising farmers from their cattle and land, shifting the ways that human-wildlife conflict plays out, and creating a new and disruptive relationship between cattle farmers and the mining industry. Postcolonial and Indigenous scholars have long written about human-animal kinship and ongoing colonial and capitalist relations that weave (sometimes disparate) communities closer together or further apart. The work described here demonstrates that this knowledge allows for a clearer understanding of how displacement impacts the material and relational worlds of people and nonhumans displaced by the disruptive forces of resource development.

This book is about the exclusion and marginalisation of a community of San in Southern Africa, in the Kalahari of Botswana. The San of Botswana are a hunting people known internationally as indigenous Bushmen (p. 2). Their exclusion extends from pre-colonial times where the Bushmen were slaves of the ruling class Tswana, to the colonial consideration of them as racially inferior, and finally to the contemporary instances of forced displacement of the San and their lack of rights and access to resources and land (pp. 73-74). This historically and socially engrained racism has left the San, and other Bushmen, in a state of destitution. Following their 1997 and 2002 forced removals from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve, they engaged with an indigenous rights advocacy community at home and abroad, as well as in the courts and at the polls (pp. 57-63). Maria Sapignoli aptly calls this their 'hunt' for justicea multi-decadal-long engagement with the state and international law. By doing a deep review into formal legal processes, in addition to an ethnography of justice activism regarding the resettlement of the San from their lands, Sapignoli gives an in-depth explanation of the path the San took for justice and, importantly, how they became legal subjects along the way. Sapignoli describes the San's rights in Botswana as limited to equal citizenship, with their indigeneity unrecognised. This is in part due to the contested definition of indigeneity in Botswana, and Africa more broadly. Academic and legal scholars have differing definitions of what it means to be indigenous, as does the Botswana state. Definitions include traditional ways of life; the status of 'first people'; certain types of knowledge, such as a deep familiarity to one area; various types of cultural traditions; and many more. Even within the group of scholars who recognise indigeneity in Africa, the definitions vary greatly. Part of the uncertainty of indigeneity is the unknown of who arrived where first (Wilmsen, 1989). However, an explanation of these definitions on indigeneity is not included in this book. The issue of claiming indigenous status in Africa is instead explained through the definitions of international organisations, although much later in the book than might be expected for a fundamental grounding of the issue of indigenous displacement (pp. 166-173). Despite this, there is no doubt that the arguments made in this book add a crucial component to our understanding of the internationally sensationalised removals from the Central Kalahari Game Reserve. The first six chapters of the book provide context and develop some critical concepts that Sapignoli uses to make her main argument. Chapter 1 introduces the concepts of judicialisation and juridification. Sapignoli defines judicialisation as the 'transfer of decision-making rights from the legislature, the cabinet, or the civil service to the courts' (p. 9). As the San relied more on the courts, Sapignoli describes them as judicialising their way of life. Through this process, they be...